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For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/."],["elementContainer",["element",{"elementId":"50"},["name","Title"],["description","A name given to the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934051"},["text","Majors Ranch, Coast Road: Artichoke Fields"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"48"},["name","Source"],["description","A related resource from which the described resource is derived"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934052"},["text","Gift of Frank Salvano family?"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"45"},["name","Publisher"],["description","An entity responsible for making the resource available"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934053"},["text","Santa Cruz Public Libraries"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"40"},["name","Date"],["description","A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934054"},["text","1923-01-30"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"42"},["name","Format"],["description","The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934055"},["text","Image"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"44"},["name","Language"],["description","A language of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934056"},["text","En"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"51"},["name","Type"],["description","The nature or genre of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934057"},["text","PHOTO"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"43"},["name","Identifier"],["description","An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934058"},["text","LH-scpl-556"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"38"},["name","Coverage"],["description","The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934059"},["text","Davenport"]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934060"},["text","1920s"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"47"},["name","Rights"],["description","Information about rights held in and over the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934061"},["text","This photograph is the property of the Santa Cruz Public Libraries."]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934062"},["text","Restrictions on Use"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"49"},["name","Subject"],["description","The topic of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934065"},["text","Agriculture-Vegetables"]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934066"},["text","Majors Ranch"]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934067"},["text","Farms"]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934068"},["text","Salvano, Frank"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"41"},["name","Description"],["description","An account of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1934069"},["text","Frank Salvano leased the land from the Majors Ranch to grow artichokes.\r\n\r\nMore information on Frank Salvano is in the library's Local History Vertical File folder \"Biography.\""]]]]]]],["tagContainer",["tag",{"tagId":"32"},["name","Agriculture"]],["tag",{"tagId":"14"},["name","Panoramas and Aerial Views"]]]],["item",{"itemId":"134498","public":"1","featured":"1"},["fileContainer",["file",{"fileId":"21641"},["src","https://history.santacruzpl.org/omeka/files/original/c44d4dec2501f654845b54bac2f26654.pdf"],["authentication","5e13330829f30ac625ee5a5f82d8ab43"],["elementSetContainer",["elementSet",{"elementSetId":"7"},["name","PDF Text"],["description"],["elementContainer",["element",{"elementId":"94"},["name","Text"],["description"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1900414"},["text","Coast Dairies Property: A Land Use History\nExcerpted from: Coast Dairies Long-Term Resource Protection and Use Plan: Draft Existing\nConditions Report for the Coast Dairies Property, Section 1.0.\nFigures and photos referenced in text are not included.\nSection 1.1 - Prehistory\nSection 1.2 - A Humanized Landscape\nSection 1.3 - The Coming of Coast Dairies: Transformation\nSection 1.4 - Into the Present\nSection 1.5 - References Cited\n\n1.1 - PREHISTORY\n1.1.1 PHYSIOGRAPHY\nThe physical geography of the northern Santa Cruz coast--the North Coast, in local parlance--is marked by\nbroad marine terraces that rise eastward from the ocean to the Santa Cruz Mountains. These terraces\ncomprise two rock formations, including the Santa Cruz Mudstone Formation (a soft, eroding bedrock), and\nthe Monterey Formation, a hard silica-rich deposit containing Monterey chert, an important source of\ntoolstone for the Native Americans of the Central Coast.[1] These terraces have been exposed to continuous\nwave action, resulting in the formation of the distinctive steep cliffs that stand sentinel along the coastline.\nSandy \"pocket\" beaches occur intermittently where streams have cut through the marine terrace to meet the\nsea, and are often paired with the small estuaries formed by some of the larger streams such as Scott and\nWaddell Creeks.\nThe modern climate of the region is considered to be Mediterranean and is characterized by relatively dry\nsummers and moist winters. Average annual rainfall is 27 inches and mean annual temperature is 59 degrees.\nIn the summer months, seasonal upwelling of cold ocean waters generates morning coastal fog. On-shore\n\n1\n\n�north or northwesterly winds usually increase during the day, clearing off the fog, and die down again by\nevening when the fog returns.\nPaleoenvironmental studies suggest that climatic conditions 30,000 to 5,000 years ago were slightly cooler and\nmore moist than today. Pollen studies indicate that the climate was more like present day Fort Bragg in\nNorthern California (Jones and Hildebrandt, 1990). Current conditions appear to have been in place by 5,000\nyears ago.\n\n1.1.2 TERRESTRIAL ENVIRONMENT AND RESOURCES\nThe Coast Dairies Property incorporates four major ecological zones [2] including coastal terrace, ridge system,\nriverine, and upland meadow (Hylkema, 1991). Modern vegetation was most likely present for many centuries\nbefore recorded history, and its diversity provided early inhabitants an array of plants and trees for food,\nmedicine, tools and baskets.\nFor the first human inhabitants of the Property, there was a variety of natural resources that might have been\nthe envy of more interior peoples. Plants bearing edible seeds and/or leafy greens are known to have been\nused throughout the year, as revealed by plant remains from archaeological sites. In the spring, lupine [3] was\nharvested for its edible green leaves, while chia provided edible seeds. During the late spring and summer a\nvariety of seed-bearing plants were gathered including tarweed, goosefoot and elderberry. Soaproot was\nparticularly important as it was used for food (edible root), fish poison, soap, and brushes (Fitzgerald and\nRuby, 1997). Numerous species of trees and shrubs were also a source of edible nuts and berries including\nbaynut, hazelnut, and tan oak, all of which were harvested in the fall (Fitzgerald and Ruby, 1997). Buckeye,\nCalifornia bay laurel and coast live oaks are also considered to have been economically important (Hylkema,\n1991).\nAcorns and grass seeds constituted a significant proportion of the native diet. Ethnographic accounts indicate\nthat the natives sought to increase seed production of coast grasslands through intentional burning.\nRediscovered as \"prescribed burning\" in modern times, this prehistoric practice also served to increase forage\nand attract large mammals such as black tailed deer, which were regularly hunted (Jones and Hildebrandt,\n1990). Other animals in the aboriginal larder came from the coastal scrubland and forests of the area, habitats\nfor terrestrial mammals, reptiles, fish, and amphibians. Oak woodlands in particular harbor a large number of\nanimals and birds for thermal cover, escape, dens, nests, and foraging (Barrett, 1980). Modern and historic use\nof the region has altered somewhat the ecology of the Central Coast and reconstruction of prehistoric\nconditions is at least partly by inferrence, but species known to have been important to native peoples include\na wide variety of small to medium mammals including the jackrabbit, cottontail rabbit, kangaroo rat, ground\nsquirrel and badger.\nStudies have identified more than two hundred resident species of birds in the region but, perhaps more\nimportantly, the cold and nutrient-rich waters immediately offshore lie astride the Pacific migratory waterfowl\nflyway. Avifaunal remains from archaeological sites on the Santa Cruz coast indicate that waterbirds such as\ncanvasback duck, common merganser and blue winged teal were part of the prehistoric diet (Dietz et al.,\n1988).\n\n2\n\n�1.1.3 MARINE RESOURCES\nOffshore vegetal resources such as kelp, seaweed and sea palm are known to have been exploited\nprehistorically. Native peoples collected these plants on-shore and roasted them for immediate consumption\nor dried and stored them for future use (Jones and Hildebrandt, 1990). Shell refuse from an extensive menu of\nmussels, barnacles, limpets, chitons, abalone and clams are commonly found in coastal archaeological sites.\nMigratory marine mammals known historically on the Central Coast were probably present prehistorically, and\nno doubt harbor seals, northern elephant seals, and sea lions were sources of protein and fat. These species\nwere attracted by the same fish exploited by humans: Pacific mackerel, night smelt, white croaker, righteyed\nand lefteyed flounder and anchovy (Jones and Hildebrandt, 1990).\n\n1.1.4 ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH\nThe coastal region stretching from Santa Cruz to San Francisco has been the focus of numerous archaeological\nsurveys and excavations since the early 1900s. The earliest of these investigations reflected the trophyhunting mentality of the times, collecting museum specimens for display purposes from some of the largest\nprehistoric residential sites elsewhere in the San Francisco Bay region. These studies were extremely limited in\nscope and provided little understanding of prehistoric life-ways of people who inhabited this part of the\nCentral Coast.\nBeginning in late 1960s, academic research by students at San Francisco State University (and later San Jose\nState University) expanded the number of recorded archaeological sites along the coasts of San Mateo and\nSanta Cruz counties. While much of this research was limited to site recording and limited sampling, a few\nimportant studies provided valuable information for the development of a regional chronology and an\nintegrated understanding of prehistoric life (Roop, 1976; Hylkema, 1991). Hylkema's 1991 thesis was\nparticularity important, as it not only provided the first integrated examination of prehistoric adaptations\nalong the San Mateo-Santa Cruz coast, but it also provided the basis for comparisons of local economies with\nthose of surrounding areas including the San Francisco Bay, Monterey Bay and inland valleys.\nFinally, studies driven by the requirements of the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) since the 1980's\nhave also supplied invaluable chronological information, filling the gaps in archaeological data amassed from\nthis part of the North Coast since the early 1900s (Jones and Hildebrandt, 1990; Fitzgerald and Ruby, 1997).\n\n1.1.5 HUMAN OCCUPATION ALONG THE NORTH COAST\nArchaeological and ethnographic studies indicate that the North Coast was possibly occupied from as early as\nthe 10,000 years ago. The earliest evidence for occupation of the region comes from a site located in the Santa\nCruz Mountains near Scotts Valley. This deeply buried site has been dated to 8000 BC and is the only evidence\nof what archaeologists refer to as the Paleo Indian period (Cartier, 1993), a designation that subsumes all\noccupations dating earlier than 5000 BC. Progressively rising sea levels documented for this period may have\nobliterated additional evidence for occupation of the coast during this time. As with the climate, sea levels\nappear to have stabilized to current conditions by 5000 years ago.\n\n3\n\n�Evidence of habitation along the coast proper comes later, during the Lower Archaic period (3000-5000 BC)\nand from a site immediately adjacent to the Coast Dairies Property at Sand Hill Bluff (Jones and Hildebrandt,\n1990). This locale appears to have been occupied over a span of time difficult for modern Californians to\ncomprehend: 5000 years, beginning about 6000 years ago. Habitation of both the coastal and interior regions\nin and surrounding the Property is evidenced in numerous sites dating to the Middle Archaic (3000 - 1000 BC)\nand Upper Archaic (1000 BC - AD 1000). The latest prehistoric occupation appears to have occurred during\nwhat is known as the Emergent Period (AD 1000 - 1800) as evidenced at a site located at Davenport Landing\n(Fitzgerald and Ruby, 1997), and at a site about 5 miles inland in the Santa Cruz Mountains (Hylkena, 1991).\nNative inhabitants of the region were first encountered by Spanish explorers in 1602 and again between 1769\nand 1776. Aboriginal groups of the San Francisco and Monterey Bay area came to be known collectively as\nCostanoan, a word derived from the Spanish word Costaños meaning 'coast people' (Levy, 1978).\nDuring the mission period, AD 1770-1835, devastating changes occurred for the Costanoan people. The\npopulation was recruited into nearby missions and their traditional subsistence economy was replaced by an\nagricultural one. Analyses of mission baptismal records demonstrate that the last Costanoan tribelets living a\ntraditional existence had disappeared by 1810 (Levy, 1978). As was true in much of the Americas, the\npopulation experienced a dramatic decline due to the introduction of European diseases, which consequently\ncaused lower birth rates. And in a further blow, the mission culture that had absorbed and to some degree\nsupported the Costanoans was short-lived. The secularization or abandonment of the missions by the Mexican\ngovernment in 1832 caused people to relocate to different areas and establish small settlements, fragmenting\nthe survivors and separating them farther away from their cultural heritage. It is believed that the Costanoan\nlanguages were probably not spoken after the year 1935 (Levy, 1978).\nMost of what we know about native inhabitants of the region has been pieced together from the Spanish\nexploring expeditions, ethnographic accounts in the 1920s and 1930s (Krober, 1925), and archaeological\nresearch. The Costanoan territory was occupied by approximately 50 separate triblets, each one occupying\none or more permanent village sites. The Coast Dairies Property is located within the boundaries of the area\ninhabited by the Cotoni tribe, which occupied the land from the mouth of the San Lorenzo River, north to Año\nNuevo Creek, and east as far as Bonny Doon Ridge (Milliken, 1995).\nThe Costanoans encountered by the Spanish were hunter-gatherers who managed their resources to ensure a\nsustained livelihood. They lived in sedentary communities in domed structures covered with thatched roofs,\nand relied for subsistence on nuts and seeds from various trees and plants, local fauna, and fish, particularly\nsalmon [4], from the rivers and Pacific Ocean. Materials crafted by the Costanoans and used in subsistence\nactivities included baskets, mortars, pestles, nets, net sinkers, anchors, and a variety of chipped stone tools.\nTrade with the surrounding Plains Miwok, Sierra Miwok and Yokuts allowed nonindigenous materials and food\n(i.e. piñon nuts) to be brought into the area as well. In exchange, the Costanoan are thought to have exported\nbows, salt, and salmon to neighboring groups (Levy, 1979). Economic reciprocity, in addition to intermarriage,\nis thought to have linked settlements together, some of which, by Spanish accounts, indicate stable and\nprosperous villages with as many as 200 people (Milliken, 1995). Overall population density along this part of\nthe coast was nevertheless very sparse.\nArchaeological research has helped us to understand what life was like prior to European contact, in at least\nsome of its complexity and richness. For example, examination of numerous sites along the coast, adjacent\nterraces, and ridge systems of northern Santa Cruz County indicates that prehistoric inhabitants made use of a\n4\n\n�range of ecological zones including coast terrace, ridge system, riverine, and upland meadows, and that native\ninhabitants moved between these ecological zones to support a diverse human ecology. In what is referred to\nas a forager economic strategy, groups of people move from one location to another exploiting the resources\nin the immediate vicinity. Using their settlements as a base of operations, group movements were on a\nseasonal basis to optimize resource harvesting. It has been hypothesized that this strategy is extremely\nefficient in an ecological context like northern Santa Cruz County where resources are relatively dispersed, or\nnot concentrated in one area. The distribution of marine and terrestrial mammals within a mosaic pattern of\nthe coastal terraces and mixed hardwood forests are thought to have encouraged a foraging strategy until\nvery late in time, possibly up until contact with Spanish explorers.\n\n1.2 – A HUMANIZED LANDSCAPE\nMost discussions about Santa Cruz County's North Coast emphasize the scenic natural beauty of the coastline,\nand indeed some aspects of today's scenery have evoked the same reactions for many generations of\nresidents and visitors. Yet, as we begin to review the historic period, we find a landscape heavily altered by\nlong and often intensive human use. On the Coast Dairies Property, sunsets are viewed while standing on\nmassive structures, now unrecognizable as railroad trestles, looking across fields of Brussels sprouts, to a\nwestern edge broken by the towers of the cement plant. Streams have been dammed, diverted through\ntunnels, flumed and in several instances encased in pipes and carried away to serve the citizens of Santa Cruz.\nRoad cuts and fills slice the landscape, and everywhere one can see concrete abutments, truncated water\npipes and bolts protruding from the earth, monuments to an industrial (or at least an entrepreneurial) past.\nThis section of the Existing Conditions Report is an effort to bring the human story to the forefront, to\nhighlight the remarkable ingenuity and energy that came to the North Coast and tried to transform it--to put\nthe human communities that lived or migrated here into the ever-changing landscape beside the animals,\nplants, and the physical environment.\nThe story of the North Coast is really two histories, before and after the incorporation of the Coast Dairies &\nLand Co. in 1901. The combination of the Moretti and Respini family assets, together with the leadership of\nLouis Moretti, provided a catalyst for an explosion of activity more like the booms of the gold fields or Silicon\nValley than the pastoral landscape we value today. The Coast Dairies Corporation was the major agent for\nchange in the early twentieth century. The over-arching theme of both is that of a treasure trove of natural\nresources locked up and isolated by a formidably rugged landscape. Many who came to the North Coast\nmarveled at its potential--the forests, limestone, bitumin, fresh water, rolling grasslands, terraces--all ripe for\nutilization, and then added \"if only we had...\" followed at different times by the phrase \"dependable road,\"\n\"protected harbor,\" \"railroad,\" \"straight highway,\" or even \"freeway.\" The North Coast is dominated by the\nlong, narrow coastal terrace perched a hundred feet or so above the ocean, offering little access when\napproaching by sea, while the rugged and irregular Santa Cruz Mountains provide a parallel barrier on the\neast. The northern end of the terrace was blocked by a mudstone bluff that comes down to the ocean's edge\njust north of Waddell Creek, which forced early travelers into the surf to get past. The only easy access to this\nterrace is from the southeast, but its length is so dissected by gullies and valleys that, until the coming of the\nrailroad in 1905, it was extremely difficult to traverse. \"The road to Pescadero is thirty-six miles in length,\nfollows along the coast, and is one of continuous ups and downs,\" wrote one observer in 1880. \"It would be a\nslander to say it is a comfortable road over which to ride.\" (Sentinel 1/31/1880).\n5\n\n�The natural landscape blunted the forces of development and forced them into slow motion, creating a thirtyyear lag compared to areas north or south. While the railroad connection between Santa Cruz and the outside\nworld was completed in 1876, the North Coast wasn't connected until 1906; likewise, the big sawmills came to\nthe redwood canyons on the east side of Ben Lomond Mountain in the 1880s, but didn't reach the North Coast\nuntil 1909.\nThe North Coast's isolation became an asset when harried citizens from the San Francisco Bay Area sought\nrelief in the sheltered campgrounds that grew up at every stream crossing. The \"secret recesses and wildest\nhaunts\" lured fishermen, hunters and campers away from the \"comparatively bleak valley of Santa Clara.\"\n(Sentinel 5/18/1872)\nFinally, and fortunately for the future of the Coast Dairies Property, some developments never came at all. The\ncoastal subdivision frenzy of the 1920s that saw the entire coastline from Santa Cruz to Aptos divided and sold\ninto houselots was slowed enough that, when it finally arrived in the late 1960s, the community rose up and\nstopped it.\nA Landscape for Everyone\nThere are a multitude of landforms compressed between the surf and the top of Ben Lomond Mountain.\nRainfall amounts double in that distance and a mere turn in a canyon can change the visitor's experience from\nbright, open landscape to deep, redwood forest. The North Coast offered something for everybody; most\nimmigrants could find a familiar niche within which to live and work. And for some, like the Swiss, for whom\nthe coastal hills evoked Switzerland's Canton Ticino, that was an impetus to settle. Azorean whalers worked\nfrom Pigeon Point, Japanese farmers tilled the coastal terraces, Chinese abalone hunters prowled the rocks,\nSwiss and Portuguese dairymen tended their herds, Filipino and Mexican farm laborers worked under the sun,\nand Italian farmers coaxed the land to grow artichokes and Brussels sprouts. Greek stonecutters risked their\nlives quarrying a living out of the San Vicente Canyon.\n\n1.2.1 THE VIEW FROM THE SEA\nJuan Rodriguez Cabrillo, November 1542\nCabrillo's account includes a brief mention of the North Coast including the fact that they saw \"neither Native\nAmericans nor smokes [5] \" (Wagner, 1929). Cabrillo's emphasis that trees came right down to the water at\nother locations (Point Reyes, Point Pinos) suggests that the coastal terrace near present-day Año Nuevo had\nfew if any trees.\nSebastian Cermeño, December 1595\nIn December 1595, Spanish explorer Sebastian Cermeño sailed southward along the coastline in a makeshift\ncanoe. He was much more definite about the appearance of the land: \"In going along very close to land,\nfrequently only a musket-shot from it, all that may be seen is bare land near the sea and pine and oak timber\nin the high country. No smokes or fires appeared.\" (Wagner, 1929)\n\n6\n\n�Francisco de Bolaños, 1603\nSpanish pilot Francisco de Bolaños was with Cermeño and returned with Captain Sebastian Vizcaíno in the\n1603 passage that was the occasion to name Año Nuevo. Bolaños wrote the description that would be the\nguide for all Spanish ship captains for the next 150 years. His description of the coastline south of Point Reyes:\n\"From the Punta de los Reyes about fourteen leagues [6] southeast a quarter south there is a point [probably\nPigeon Point]. Before reaching it the country consists in places of sierra, bare to the sea and of medium height\nwith some cliffs, but soon the country inside [inland] becomes massive and wooded until you reach a point of\nlow land in 37 1/2 degrees named the 'Punta de Año Neuvo.\" To emphasis the distinctiveness of Point Pinos\non the south side of Monterey Bay, Bolaños noted that the forests there covered the land \"down to the sea\nitself.\" (Wagner, 1929)\nArchibald Menzies, November 1792\nOne later account further confirms the view from the sea. In November, 1792 English scientist Archibald\nMenzies described the coastline south of San Francisco: \"In the afternoon we coasted along shore to the\nSouthward [from San Francisco] with a fresh breeze, the land appearing much the same as to the Northward\nof Port San Francisco naked & hilly, with here & there perpendicular cliffs of a whitish appearance facing the\nSea.\" (Menzies, 1792) Since the Mission Santa Cruz had just been established (1791), the North Coast's barren\nappearance can not be attributed to grazing by mission livestock, and reflects instead the natural factors\ndiscussed in Section 3.0.\n\n1.2.2 THE VIEW FROM THE LAND\nThe first Europeans to pass along the North Coast on land were Spaniards, members of the expedition sent\nnorthward from San Diego in 1769 to find the port of Monterey described by Vizcaíno in 1603. They passed\nalong the North Coast twice.\nThe Portolá Expedition 1769\nLed by Captain Gaspar de Portolá, the expedition became confused by the topography around the Monterey\nPeninsula and continued northward along the coast, looking for the right combination of harbor and pine\ntrees coming \"down to the sea itself.\" Recognizing neither, they continued northward, passing the San Lorenzo\nRiver on October 18.\nMarching along a mesa approximately three miles wide, they encountered a \"toilsome\" landscape: \"We\ntraveled three hours and a half but only made two leagues during which we descended and ascended four\ndeep watercourses carrying running water which empties into the sea. Only in the watercourses are any trees\nto be seen; elsewhere we saw nothing but grass, and that was burned.\" (Bolton, 1966) Since they were looking\nfor a shoreline pine forest and expecting to see many Native Americans as Vizcaíno had, the empty bare hills in\nthe east were very disappointing. On October 19, Engineer Miguel Costansó wrote: \"To our right there were\nsome whitish, barren hills that filled us with sadness, and there were days on which we missed the comfort of\nseeing natives.\" (Browning, 1992)\nBut it was the rugged terrace and the seemingly unending sequence of arroyos that made the Spaniards most\ndisconsolate. Father Crespí, the Church's representative on this journey, noted that \"this march was very\n7\n\n�troublesome, on account of the frequent gulches along the way, for we crossed seven, and they caused a\ngreat deal of work in making them passable.\" (Bolton, 1966) Their mules slipping and falling in the steep-sided\narroyos, the Spaniards struggled ever northward along the terrace, finally camping at the mouth of presentday Waddell Creek on October 20. While at this campsite the expedition experienced a startling recovery from\nan earlier outbreak of scurvy [7], before slipping past the bluffs to the north and out onto the terrace behind\nAño Nuevo. Portolá's confusion increased when they saw San Francisco Bay; as winter deepened, they headed\nback southward along the coast.\nSince the stream-crossings were still in place, the expedition traversed the North Coast terrace in less than half\nthe time it had taken them going northward. On November 21 they camped at the mouth of present-day\nMajors Creek, and Father Crespí noted the abundance of geese: \"On this and the preceding days the soldiers\nkilled a great many geese, the flocks of these birds that are seen at every step being uncountable. Some of the\nsoldiers' messes have twelve of them saved up. Blessed by the Divine Providence which relieves us in our\ndirest need!\" (Bolton, 1966)\nEventually, after returning to San Diego and then marching back up to Monterey Bay, they recognized the\nharbor and found the pine trees \"down to the sea itself.\" In June of 1770 the Spaniards established the capitol\nof Alta California at Monterey. The North Coast had been a diversion both worrisome and restorative.\nThe Third and Last Spanish Passage Along the North Coast - The Rivera Expedition 1774\nThe Spaniards made the journey from Monterey to San Francisco Bay several times, but their memory of the\ndifficulty of traveling along the coastal terrace encouraged them to follow the route through the more level\ninland valleys, along the route of present day Highway 101. Over the intervening five years their North Coast\nstream crossings washed out and vegetation grew up to obscure the trail.\nIn December 1774, the Spaniards made their last journey of exploration along the North Coast. After exploring\nSan Francisco Bay, the expedition crossed over the ridge of the Santa Cruz Mountains and paralleled the North\nCoast. The trip's two diarists, Captain Don Fernando Rivera and Padre Francisco Palo left very detailed\naccounts. After waiting for low tide and making a dash across the sand at the base of the bluff at present-day\nWaddell, they followed the coastal terrace southward through land of \"pure earth covered with grass.\"\nThough they saw few Native Americans during their passage, Palo? noted their presence: \"...at every step we\nhave come upon paths well beaten by [the Native Americans] which descend from the mountains to the\nshore.\" The constant crossing of arroyos was tiresome, and in some instances they were \"so precipitous that\nwe were all compelled to go on foot.\" (Bolton, 1966)\nThe 1774 trip decided the matter. The North Coast was not to be the route when going from Monterey to San\nFrancisco, and in 1775 Spanish Lieutenant Pedro Fages officially recognized the inland passage from Monterey\nto Mission Santa Clara and San Francisco. He called it a \"short cut\" that \"traverses more passable ground [than\nthe coast], and saves a matter of ten leagues of distance.\" (Priestly, 1937)\nThe die was cast. The primary Spanish north-south route through Central California (later called the El Camino\nReal) did not come along the \"tiresome\" North Coast. The land that came to be known as Santa Cruz County's\nNorth Coast and ultimately the Coast Dairies Property remained isolated, rugged and forbidding.\n\n8\n\n�1.2.3 THE SPANISH COLONIAL ERA (1770-1822)\nBecause the North Coast was off the beaten path and remote relative to the other mission establishments at\nCarmel and Santa Clara, the North Coast was not actively settled until 17 years after Lieutenant Fages made\nhis travel recommendation.\nMission Santa Cruz, established 1791\nThe establishment of the Mission Santa Cruz beside the San Lorenzo River in August of 1791 marked the\nbeginning of Spanish occupation of the North Coast. In its early years the mission looked eastward across the\ncoastal terrace for its pasturage, but following the establishment of the Villa de Branciforte [8] on that terrace\nin 1797, the padres turned their attention to the North Coast.\nNorth Coast Controlled by Mission Santa Cruz\nMission Santa Cruz eventually came to control a swath of the North Coast extending 11 leagues (28.6 miles)\nwith a width of three leagues (7.8 miles) inland from the coast. The land was used to pasture mission livestock\nincluding cattle, sheep and horses. Three ranchos [9] are mentioned in the mission records: El Matadero which\nevolved into the Mexican-era Refugio grant located south and east of Laguna Creek; El Jarro which evolved\ninto the Agua Puerca y las Trancas grant, centered on present-day Scotts Creek; and Rancho Punta de Ano\nNuevo, centered on Ano Neuvo itself. Rancho El Jarro was mentioned in the Santa Cruz Mission inventory in\n1835 as having 2,900 head of sheep (Kimbro, 1985).\nThe French Spy - February 1827\nWhen M. Duhaut-Cilly's accounts of his visit to California in 1827-1828 were published, they were so detailed\nand vivid it was assumed by some that he was actually spying for France. Whatever his purpose his accounts\nare remarkable and would have served well as a military reconnaissance, albeit with a stylish French flair.\nSailing south from San Francisco along the coast:\n\"There are eighteen leagues from the entrance to San Francisco Bay to the roadstead at Santa Cruz, and the\nway is south-southeast, without turns and dangers. All day we had spy-glasses in our hands to examine the\ncoast, whose aspect the swift progress of the ship altered every minute. In general it is very high in the\ninterior, and everywhere covered with forests of fir trees; it then grows lower by a gentle slope toward the\nshore; but before reaching it, it rises again to form a long ridge of hills, whence it descends finally to the sea,\nnow bathing the foot of vertical rocky cliffs, now gliding in sheets of foam over sandy or pebbly beaches.\nBeautiful verdure clothed the plains and hills, where we constantly saw immense herds of cows, sheep and\nhorses. Those belonging to Santa Cruz meet those, less numerous of San Francisco; so that this long strip of\neighteen leagues is but one continual pasture.\" (Carter, 1940)\n\n1.2.4 THE MEXICAN ERA (1822-1848)\nFollowing Mexico's gaining independence from Spain in 1821, Mexican citizens were allowed and even\nencouraged to apply for land grants on the lands formerly controlled by the missions. However, while Mexican\ncitizens quickly applied for grants in easily-accessible coastal terraces to the east of Santa Cruz, they were\nslower to move up to the North Coast. By the 1840s there were three Mexican ranchos on the North Coast\n(Figure 1-1). The effect of the North Coast's isolation can be noted in the fact that the wide, well-watered\n9\n\n�valley we now call Waddell was not requested as a land grant. Getting to the coastal terrace was just too\ndaunting, even when the land was free.\nRancho Arroyo de la Laguna\nThis one square league (4,418 acre) rancho was granted to Gil Sanchez in 1840, bounded by Rancho Refugio\non the east and Rancho San Vicente on the west. Little is known about Sanchez or his occupation. We can\nassume that, like the adjacent ranchos, the rancho was used to raise cattle for the hide and tallow trade. The\nland quickly passed out of Californio (Mexican citizen) ownership in the early 1850s when it was aquired by\nthe Williams brothers. Most of this property was eventually acquired by Jeremiah Respini and became part of\nthe Coast Dairies Property (Clark, 1986).\nRancho San Vicente\nThis huge grant was originally made to Antonio Rodriquez in 1839, but was regranted to Blas Escamilla in\n1846. Since it was laid out after the two neighboring ranchos, the shape has the look of being shoehorned into\nplace between them. The ideal Mexican grant had a proportion of one part cultivatable land, six parts pasture\nand four parts brush or forest. In those instances where the cultivatable land or pasturage was limited, the\ngrantee was often compensated by being given a greater proportion of brushland or forest. Rancho San\nVicente reflects the feeling in Mexican California that brush and forest lands had little value: the cow was king,\nand by this point in time, livestock had been grazing the terraces for almost 60 years (Clark, 1986).\nRancho Agua Puerca y las Trancas\nBordered on the south by the Rancho San Vicente and the north by Arroyo las Trancas, this 4,422-acre grant\nwent through a series of re-grants until it was finally given to Ramón Rodriguez and Francisco Alviso in 1843.\nThe boundaries wrap around the coastal hills that separate Scotts Creek from the coast, reflecting the\ndesirability of the open pasture land for Mexican Californians (Clark, 1986).\nNo communities grew up on or near the three land grants, and access to them was such that they do not play\na central role in the history of Central California. Just as during the Mission Era, the land was used as pasture,\nwith herds of cattle and sheep grazing across the coastal terrace. Hides and tallow were probably shipped off\ncoastal landings. There is no evidence of any other economic activity on the North Coast prior to 1850.\nIn 1849, Justo Veytia, a Mexican citizen, set out on horseback for San Francisco via the North Coast. Neither of\nthe local residents (both born near Santa Cruz) accompanying him had ever taken this route before, a\ntestimony to the fact that in the 1840s the route of choice was either over the summit of the Santa Cruz\nMountains directly north of Santa Cruz, or out through the Pajaro River gap and then north up the Santa Clara\nValley. Passing the bluff at present-day Waddell:\n\"Two days of this expedition were the most difficult. The second day on the road one has to travel\nalong the beach very close to the water and this can only be done when the tide is low. The day we\npassed the sea was quite choppy. Neither Arana nor I knew the road so when we went onto the beach\nwe figured it was all right because when a very big wave came up, it only reached the horses' hooves.\nSo we rode on about 300 varas [10] , experiencing two very bad spots because of some rocks, when the\nvery rough sea began to wash over us up to the pommel of our saddles. We didn't deliberate in making\na decision--to go back was clearly dangerous because the rocks were now under water and we couldn't\nsee the openings between them so we resolved to continue forward to look for some pass where we\n10\n\n�could go up, for the waves had us pinned against a fairly high cliff. We went on walking for about 200\nvaras until we found a foot path to ascend and as soon as we were safe we undressed completely to\nput our clothes to dry because the waves had knocked us down three times, horses and all, so we had\nto dismount and pull them forcibly. We got out at ten in the morning and as soon as we finished\nstretching out our clothing and the saddles, we sat down naked on the grass to lunch on the supplies\nwe brought which were now also soup.\" (Veytia, 1975)\n\n1.2.5 STATEHOOD (1850-1900)\nThe first 50 years of statehood witnessed continued slow and fitful development on the North Coast. Settlers\nstruggled up the coast periodically and tried to carve out their livings, but the isolation made it extremely\ndifficult. Nevertheless, the years immediately following the Gold Rush saw a surge of activity during which any\nlocale which could produce and ship anything useful was brought into the economy. Products were shipped\noff the \"landings.\" Without a dependable road connection in any direction, the residents of the North Coast\nhad to transfer goods in and out across several stretches of beach, where in fact no ship could actually land, at\nthe mouths of the coastal creeks. These coastal facilities were quite different than those to the east of Santa\nCruz, within the relatively sheltered confines of Monterey Bay: the North Coast landings were exposed to the\npower of the open ocean. Wharves along the North Coast rarely survived through one winter season, and\nmost shipping was handled using combinations of buoys, winches and cables.\nThe landings operated with the ebb and flow of economic as well as natural tides. When the prices of\ncommodities were high, such as in the early 1850s when San Francisco began to emerge from the sand dunes\nand gold dust flowed into that city from the Sierra Nevada, few expenses were spared to operate the North\nCoast landings. When prices dropped, the landings grew quiet, as during the depression of the mid-1870s\nwhen most of them ceased to operate. The North Coast continued to be a wild, rugged, and unforgiving place.\nThe Shape of Santa Cruz County\nWhen Santa Cruz County was officially established on February 18, 1850, its northern boundary was the\nheadwaters of San Francisquito Creek, many miles north of the troublesome bluff at Waddell. The county\nincluded the watersheds of Pescadero Creek and San Gregorio Creek as well as the settlements that had\ngrown up there, such as the town of Pescadero.\nThe County Road between Pescadero and Santa Cruz\nFor the North Coast, having county neighbors to the north meant that they were on the way to somewhere. As\nlong as Año Nuevo, Pigeon Point, Pescadero and San Gregorio were part of Santa Cruz County, efforts and\nresources might be expended to improve the run-it-at-low-tide situation at Waddell. Those who lived in\nPescadero and wished to use the legal services at the county seat of Santa Cruz were 40 miles of bad road\naway.\nThe State of the Road in 1865\nAn article written in 1865 declared that the county road was a \"great hardship and injustice to the people\nliving at Pescadero and its vicinity.\" The writer described it as \"one of the most abominable roads this side of\n\n11\n\n�Kamchatka--a road, a portion of the distance must be traveled along the beach which is encompassed by a\nhigh bluff upon one side and the foaming billows upon the other...\" (Pajaro Times 1/20/1865)\nNorth Coast Land Ownership Patterns\nWhere the Californios living along the California Coast to the south and east often lived on their Mexican land\ngrants well into the 1870s, the three grantees on the North Coast seemed eager to dispose of their lands and\nmove elsewhere. There were no Californios living on the North Coast by 1860 (Census of 1860). During the\nearly years of statehood, the land that eventually became the Coast Dairies Property passed to newly-arrived\nsettlers. The Aqua Puerca Rancho was bought by James Archibald, a native of Scotland; the San Vicente grant\nwas purchased by Peter Tracy; the Rancho Laguna was bought by the Williams brothers (Clark, 1986). The\noptimistic new Americans living in California operated at least four landings, mentioned frequently in the\nshipping records at the harbor of San Francisco.\nPigeon Point\nThe northernmost of the four landings was located on the south side of Pigeon Point in present-day San\nMateo County. Pigeon Point served people living in the watersheds of Pescadero and Butano Creek as well as\non the coastal terrace in the vicinity of Point Año Nuevo. By the early 1870s, the landing had a typical cable\nand winch system:\n\"At Pigeon Point there is a semicircular bay, partially sheltered from the northern winds, but the heavy\nswells rolling in from the southwest prevent any wharves being erected. Out about two hundred yards\nfrom the shore is a high monument-like rock, rising to a level with the steep rock bluff which half\nencloses the bay. From the bluff to the top of this rock stretches a heavy wire cable, kept taut by a\ncapstan. A vessel rounding the reef runs into the sheltered cove under this hawser, and then casts\nanchor. Slings running down on the hawser are rigged, and her cargo lifted from her deck load by load,\nrun up into the air fifty to one hundred feet, than hauled in shore, and landed upon the top of the\nbluff...This system is in extensive use along the coast...\" (Evans, 1873)\nWaddell's Landing\nSeveral efforts were made to provide a shipping point on the south side of Franklin Point to ship the products\nfrom the dairies near Point Año Nuevo as well as the lumber and agricultural products from the valley of\nWaddell Creek. More will be said about this landing in the logging discussion below.\nWilliam's Landing\nLocated at the mouth of Liddell Creek, William's Landing was the most important of the early North Coast\nLandings. The Williams brothers owned the adjacent Rancho Arroyo de la Laguna and established the landing\nin the early 1850s (Clark 1986). The landing comprised a large hawser hanging over the water, its ends\nattached to the cliffs that formed a small cove. Small schooners would attach themselves to the hawser and\nloads of lime, lumber and agricultural produce would be lowered to the ship in a loading bin suspended from\nthe rope. During the 1850s the harbormaster at San Francisco noted regular shipments from the landing\nincluding lumber, firewood and agricultural produce (Alta 5/10/1858).\nAn account published in 1867 provides a good description: \"It assumes quite a business air, on account of\nseveral fine roads from the timber region, and limestone quarries, north of the place. This port is the present\n12\n\n�shipping point of large quantities of lime and leather, tanbark, etc...Shipping is safe and easy, the vessel being\nmoored to a large hawser extending across the estuary, from cliff to cliff.\" (Sentinel 7/6/1867) William's\nLanding was not safe, in spite of the Sentinel's confident boosterism. On at least two occasions, lives were lost\nwhile attempting to load the wildly pitching ships. On July 12, 1857, two crewmen from the schooner Harrison\ndrowned when they were knocked out of a small boat by the hawser (Sentinel 7/17/58) and in January of\n1869, a small lime and lumber schooner named the A. Crosby was dashed on the rocks with her entire crew of\nfive lost (Sentinel, 1/16/69) .\nDavenport's Landing\nIn the fall of 1867, shore whaler John Pope Davenport [11] moved from Soquel to the small bay at the mouth of\nMolino Creek and began to build a wharf. A newspaper account in October of 1867 noted Davenport's early\nsuccess: \"Already three schooners have cleared from the wharf with full freights of lumber, shingles and\ntanbark. (Sentinel 11/23/1867)\nBy 1872, Davenport's Landing eclipsed William's Landing to become the primary shipping point on the North\nCoast, and a small community grew up beside the road that dipped down beside the beach. The landing\nboasted a hotel, saloon, general store, and blacksmith shop. A surprising variety of goods was shipped from\nthe landing including lumber, posts, pickets, shingles, shakes, lime, tanbark, butter, cheese, dried venison and\ndeer hides (Sentinel 9/21/1872).\nThe small community at Davenport's Landing was destroyed by a fire on April 26, 1913, and though some of\nthe buildings were rebuilt, the town of Davenport that had grown up beside the cement plant took over as the\ncommercial center of the North Coast (Sentinel 4/27/1913).\n\n1.2.5.1 EARLY NORTH COAST AGRICULTURE\n\nThe dominant agricultural use of the North Coast up to 1900 continued to be livestock production. While the\nbroader, flatter alluvial valleys of the Pajaro, San Lorenzo and Soquel Rivers were transformed from pasture to\nintensive agriculture (beginning with the potato boom in the early 1850s), the North Coast continued the\npastoral tradition that had begun a century earlier. The coast's isolation and dearth of available labor certainly\ninhibited intensive farming practices, and the majority of the arable land was either of poor quality or too\nsteep to grow anything but grasses or cereal grains.[12]\nThe North Coast's persistent summertime fog extended the growing season for perennial grasses well into the\nsummer months (see Section 3.1.1), and the green hills above the coastal terrace became one of the Coast's\nemblematic views. Periodic droughts that often drove Central California's livestock industries into bankruptcy\nwere not as severe here; during the drought of 1862-1864, for example, hundreds of thousands of cattle\nperished in the Salinas Valley and the adjacent hills. Enterprising North Coast ranchers bought Monterey\nCounty cattle for next to nothing and drove them into the hills and terraces of the North Coast, where enough\nsurvived to make selling them profitable once the drought ended.\n\n13\n\n�The North Coast Dairies\nDairying was a logical next step and a perfect match for the North Coast. The land was still in large enough\nparcels to support extensive grazing, and grassland was abundant. Perennial streams to support the water\nrequirements for a dairy operation transected the terrace at regular intervals, now an asset at least as much as\nan obstruction. By the 1850s, what we might call the North Coast Model had developed: herds of cows grazing\nacross the terrace and hills, with a dairy tucked down in each coastal valley, beside the stream and out of the\nwind. The dairies produced cheese and butter, commodities that could be shipped relatively easily and had a\nhigh value by weight. Those dairies close enough to Santa Cruz could transport their butter and cheese to\nSanta Cruz by wagon, while farther up the coast, it was shipped off Williams' and Davenport's landings.\nThe Marin County Dairy Connection\nIn the 1850s Marin County was the primary butter and cheese-producing region for the San Francisco market\nand many of the pioneer dairymen in Santa Cruz County came from there. Mr. L. K. Baldwin, himself a\ndairyman who migrated from Marin County, noted in 1879 that the North Coast dairies \"are mostly owned by\nmen who have been residents of Marin County, and been engaged in dairying there.\" (Elliot, 1879) Santa Cruz\nsoon developed a reputation for producing a sweeter butter that commanded higher prices in San Francisco\n(Sentinel 1/4/1871). L. K. Baldwin summed up the reasons that he established his dairy on the North Coast:\n\"...we find the climate, grass and temperature pretty much the same as Marin, which requires a cool\ntemperature, fresh, breezy air, good sweet grasses, pure water from our numerous springs and streams, and\nwith cleanliness are not excelled in the manufacture of good, sweet butter by any place in the state.\" (Elliott,\n1879)\nEarly Immigrant North Coast Dairymen\nThough the majority of these early dairymen may have come from Marin County, they had very diverse\nimmigrant backgrounds. Some, like James Hall, were from originally from New England. James Archibald, the\ndairyman at Scotts Creek, was from Scotland, and the manuscript census of 1870 lists several from Ireland.\nOne prominent diary operator was Antone Silva (sometimes spelled Silvy), a native of the Azores Islands,\nPortugal.\nEarly Swiss on the North Coast\nScattered through the 1870 manuscript census we can find the origins of what later will become the Swissdominated dairy industry on the North Coast: John Stauband and Jaques Martin were Swiss-born dairymen, as\nwell as Ambrose Gianone, also listed as working in a North Coast dairy. At that point in time, however, the\nmajority of the Swiss living on the North Coast in the 1870s worked in the lumber industry, and most listed\ntheir occupation as woodcutters (Census 1870).\n\n1.2.5.2 EARLY IRRIGATION ON THE NORTH COAST\nIt took the Spanish several summers in Central California to learn that irrigation was the key to successful\nintensive agriculture in this land of little or no summer rainfall. Early missions, such as that in the Carmel\nValley, were hampered by their inability to get water up onto the mission terraces. Since the Spanish had no\npumps, the only way they could water terraces was by bringing water down from above, through ditches and\n14\n\n�canals. It is not surprising that Father Palou, a veteran of several difficult summers at Carmel, noted the\npotential for irrigation on Santa Cruz's North Coast. In December 1774, while passing Laguna Creek, he notes:\n\"We then continued on our way in sight of the beach by a wide plain which skirts the range of hills, all good\narable land with fine pasture. In half an hour we crossed an arroyo of more than two bueys of water which\nflows with the slope of the land. By means of it, it would be easy to water the plain, more than half a league\nwide, which we passed, and another one as long which reaches from the hills to the cliff on the beach.\"\n(Priestly, 1937)\nHorace Gushee's Laguna Creek Irrigation Project -1873\nA century later, in August of 1873, the first major irrigation project was undertaken on Laguna Creek by\nHorace Gushee. A newspaper reporter attended the picnic marking the opening of the flume:\n\"Mr. Gushee invited some fifty friends and neighbors to a picnic on the occasion, and a right jolly good\ntime there was in the pleasant laurel grove on the creek, about a half mile above the crossing. We\nattended early, so as to angle for trout before the company arrived. On starting up the creek, trout bit\nfreely and the water was cloudy and running at full force; but when half through the cañon, the water\nsuddenly diminished about one-half in quantity and force, so that we knew the creek had been tapped;\nthe gorge is very narrow and extremely rocky, yet we made good time, climbing over huge boulders\nand around hanging cliffs until the open stream was reached, and the flume was visible, hanging above\nus on the eastern hill-side like a golden thread, wove by some fairy-wand in a single night. We\nproceeded up to a short distance below the dam, and then left the creek and started back down the\nflume--a distance of two and one-half miles to the present end of the ditch. The flume was brimful of\npure, clear, sparkling water, rolling in gladsome volume, as if hurrying to reach the termination, where\nits invigorating and fertilizing effects would be brought into requisition, and utility appreciated. We\nfollowed the flume--which is staunch and strong--alternately walking on it and in the side-path, until\nwe reached the first piece of ditch, where a break occurred, which let one-half the water out; hence\nthe flume and ditch winds around the head of a steep cañon to the hillside, opposite Butler's old\nresidence, where it strikes across the divide and to its termination, to be distributed over some 200\nacres of land by numerous branches.\nA portion of the water will be conducted to the dairy-house, and thence over another large field of\nover 200 acres, below the house.\nIt is the intention of the proprietor to grow alfalfa, sugar beets, carrots, corn, etc, for stock and at\nseasonable times, irrigate the land so as to furnish green food for his dairy cows. The flume, with a sixinch head, takes out of the stream 144 square inches of water, which is about one-half the creek's\nsupply at this season of the year. The enterprise is a new feature in Santa Cruz county, and if\nsuccessful, will add materially to the value of agriculture and dairy lands along the coast. Mr. Gushee\nhas already spent about $5,000 in ditching and fluming, and calculates to run small ditches in various\ndirections to water stock and irrigate the land.\" (Sentinel 8/9/1873)\nA North Coast Irrigation Rush - 1873\nWithin a month several other North Coast landowners were planning to follow Gushee's example:\n\n15\n\n�\"We are informed that the plan adopted for irrigating the coast land, by Mr. Horace Gushee and Claus\nSpreckles [sic][13] is working an entire change in the diary business along the coast. Every dairyman\nalong the many streams which drain the western slope of the Santa Cruz range, [is] preparing to flume\nor ditch the banks of the stream to lead the water out over the table land for household purposes. Mr.\nJ.P. Laird, will, during the coming Winter and Spring, flume the San Bicente [Vicente] creek, and others\nup the coast are talking of similar enterprises. At Gushee's ranch south of the Laguna creek, a fine\nopportunity is offered of the advantages of irrigation, for grazing purposes. Where heretofore, in this\nseason of the year, everything was dry as powder, now the soil is moist and covered with a luxuriant\ngrowth of vegetation, nearly a foot high. The stock of milkers are grazing it, and the return is more than\ndouble in milk, butter and cheese, than that from the dry uplands. About 200 acres are irrigated and\nnext year as much more will be brought within the scope of the zanzas or irrigation ditches, and small\ndistributing flumes. Alfalfa will be sown on the sandy soil below the road, and all over the sea-coast\nplateau below the road. The burr clover, alfilera [newsprint is smudged] and other native clovers and\ngrasses do well, but are not so permanent and durable, in food or production as the alfalfa or Chili\nclover. Timothy, (or herd's grass) red clover, Kentucky, blue grass and sweet vernal grass will also be\ntried, as an experiment, and if found successful with irrigation will be adopted. There are at least\ntwenty-five streams along the coast south of Waddell's creek, to the Pajaro, inclusive, that might be\nutilized with their tributaries for irrigation purposes....Mr. Gushee's farm is more valuable, since\nirrigated, by a third. Mr. Laird estimates that his land would be improved in value one-half, if he had\nnow the waste water flowing into the sea through the San Bicente creek, to irrigate his land with.\"\n(Sentinel 10/4/1873)\n\n1.2.5.3 EARLY NORTH COAST LOGGING\nNorth Coast Logging Potential\nThe most prominent products stacked on the landings awaiting shipment during these early years were\nlumber, pickets, posts, shakes, shingles, tanbark [14] and firewood. The terraces that faced the ocean may have\nbeen treeless, but around the first bend of each of the coastal streams, hidden from the desiccating effects of\nthe salt air, were groves of stunted coast redwoods. And with each succeeding bend in the canyon, the trees\ngrew larger and the groves more pronounced until, in the upper reaches of streams on the west flank of Ben\nLomond Mountain, stood some of the most valuable timber stands in all of Santa Cruz County. Lumbermen\nmarveled at the logging potential, but, from the 1850s into the 1880s, they did not have the technology to get\nthe logs or lumber out of the canyons and out to market. None of the North Coast streams had a volume of\nwater sufficient to carry logs down to the landing (as was practiced on the coast of California north of the\nGolden Gate), so the logs either had to be skidded down using oxen, or processed where they fell. The best\nthe lumbermen could do was fell the redwoods closest to the landings and split them on site, carrying the\nposts, pickets or shakes out to the landing on mules or wagons. These \"split-stuff\" operations were episodic,\nblooming when the price of lumber was high, and wilting when the price dropped and the statewide economy\nwas depressed. Because Marin County could get redwood lumber to San Francisco markets more cheaply, the\nNorth Coast timber industry remained relatively dormant until the end of the nineteenth century (see Photo\n1-1).\n\n16\n\n�William Waddell's Mill and Landing\nThe major exception to the primitive aspects of North Coast logging was the construction of a steam sawmill in\n1862 by William Waddell on the stream that eventually bore his name. Blessed with a stand of timber \"more\nextensive and compact\" than any other on the North Coast, Waddell built his sawmill about two miles inland,\nand then brought the finished lumber down on small railroad cars that rode on wooden rails\n(Sentinel4/16/1864).\nWaddell built a series of wharves near the mouth of the creek off which to ship his lumber, but the ocean\nalways succeeded in turning them into kindling. The most successful method for off-loading lumber continued\nto be the system of winching it out to ships anchored offshore. An unfortunate encounter with a grizzly bear in\nOctober of 1875 permanently interrupted Waddell's operation.\n\n1.2.5.4 THE EARLY LIME INDUSTRY\nThe other early industry, one that will have a direct bearing on the Coast Dairies story, involved the huge\nlimestone deposits that underlay most of Ben Lomond Mountain. Isaac E. Davis and Albion P. Jordan\ndeveloped those deposits closest to Santa Cruz beginning as early as 1849. As the local newspaper noted in\n1856, \"The supply of lime rock is inexhaustible of the blue, grey and crystallized varieties; in most localities\nwhere the rock is found, the land is covered with timber, to be used in burning\" (Sentinel 7/26/1856).\nEarly Santa Cruz Lime Kilns\nThe limestone was heated (\"burned\") in high-heat kilns and the resultant lime was packed in barrels and sold\nthroughout the West to make mortar and whitewash. Since the limestone deposits were located uphill from\nSanta Cruz, it was a relatively easy downhill trip for the heavy barrels of lime. A wharf was built where presentday Bay Street in the City of Santa Cruz intersects the coastal bluff, and a steep wharf extended into the Bay\nspecifically for the shipment of lime. Davis and Jordan had a virtual monopoly on the state's lime industry and\nwere able to control prices by restraining production. By 1870, the dollar value of lime shipped out of Santa\nCruz was higher than any other commodity, even lumber (Sentinel 1/22/1870).\nNorth Coast Lime\nAs it had with the lumber industry, the North Coast's isolation and lack of dependable shipping restrained the\ndevelopment of the lime industry. It had two of the necessary ingredients--limestone and forests--but it lacked\nthe access to market enjoyed by the lime operators at Santa Cruz. There were several efforts made in the\n1860s to ship lime off the landings at Williams, Davenport's and Waddell's, but they were usually brief and\nonly marginally successful.\nSan Vicente Lime Company\nPerhaps the most successful lime operation, and a harbinger for the later story of cement, was the\nestablishment of the San Vicente Lime Company in June of 1875. The company built four lime kilns inland on\nSan Vicente Creek and built a new, thousand-foot long wharf at Davenport's Landing. They planned to ship the\nbarrels of lime on the coastal steamer San Vicente (Sentinel 6/19/1875). During the month of September, the\nlime company shipped over 4,000 barrels of lime from their new wharf, and the business appeared to be off\nand running (Sentinel 10/9/1875). In early October, however, as it had with all previous wharves along the\n17\n\n�North Coast, high waves shortened it by over 300 feet. With its wharf truncated by the sea and the economy\nin the grip of a serious depression, the company ceased operation (Sentinel10/16/1875). The huge limestone\ndeposits on the North Coast remained undeveloped, awaiting the arrival of dependable transportation.\n\n1.2.5.5 NORTH COAST SHORE WHALING\nThe only documented shore whaling station on the North Coast was located just north of the landing\napparatus at Pigeon Point. As noted earlier, there is no evidence that anyone ever whaled from the vicinity of\nDavenport's Landing or processed any whales on that beach.\nPigeon Point Whaling Station (1862 - 1900)\nBy the early 1860s, the Monterey shore whaling scene had become so crowded that two Azorean [15]whaling\ncompanies decided to move, one to Point Lobos (on Carmel Bay) in 1862 and a second to Pigeon Point [16] in\n1864 (Gazette 9/23/1864). The whales were hunted for their oil, which was acquired by boiling the blubber in\nhuge kettles, called trypots, set up on shore. Once the blubber was removed from the carcass, the remaining\nmeat and bones were discarded, much to the delight of the grizzly bears living in the nearby mountains. Since\nCalifornia shore whaling was pursued only for whale oil, when the price of oil began to drop (following the\nadvent of kerosene in the 1860s) the industry became less and less profitable. Even when the price of whale\noil was at its highest, the Azoreans only saw the dangerous business as a part-time occupation. At Pigeon\nPoint, as in the Azores, the whalers were half-time whalers and half-time farmers (Santos, 1995).\nThe shore whaling industry in Central California ended in the late 1880s, but not because of a dearth of\nwhales. Within a season, the whales, who had been migrating well off the coast, moved their route back, and\nby 1890 they were cavorting in Monterey Bay in full view of the retired whalemen. A Monterey newspaper\ncomplained, \"Whales have been so thick in the bay of late as to make fishing exceedingly hazardous. They\ncome into the bay about dusk and pursue the mackerel all night long, much to the detriment of the fishing\nindustry.\" (Cypress 8/9/1890)\nIn the late 1890s, for reasons not yet understood, the shore whaling industry revived for a couple of seasons,\nand the Pigeon Point Whaling station followed suit: \"The Pigeon Point Whaling Co. have been making some\nfine hauls of their immense game lately. They captured several fine whales within a few weeks, chiefly\n'California greys.' The boys are much encouraged at the prospect of a very profitable season.\" (Surf 2/4/1898)\nDespite whalers' successes at Pigeon Point and elsewhere, by 1900 the old-fashioned shore whaling industry\non the California coast was at an end. As the twentieth century dawned more modern methods were used to\npursue a dwindling supply, and they supported a dwindling industry elswhere on the Central Coast until 1924\n(Lydon, 1984).\nThough no whaling ever occurred at present-day Davenport, the increasing popularity of whale-watching in\nthe 1970s led to the town's adoption of a whaling motif. The large whale-shaped Davenport sign on the west\nside of the highway and the name \"Whale City\" that adorns the bakery and tavern in the center of town\ncontinue to be a cherished emblem of whaling at this spot.\n\n18\n\n�1.2.5.6 EARLY NORTH COAST TOURISM\nIsolation as an Asset\nThe very isolation that frustrated the development of the North Coast's forests and limestone deposits made it\nattractive to those seeking a place to camp, fish or hunt. In the 1860s a growing number of factories and mills\nlined the San Lorenzo River, and the stream became increasingly diverted, dammed and flumed. With the\npollution caused by dumping effluent and sawdust directly into the river, it is easy to understand the decline in\nrecreational potential on the San Lorenzo and nearby Soquel. Meanwhile, the North Coast streams continued\nto be relatively unspoiled.\nSan Vicente Creek\nAn article written in 1866 placed San Vicente Creek at the top of the county's streams:\n\"The best [trout fishing] stream probably, is the San Beicente [San Vicente], ten miles up the coast, a\nlarge creek emptying into the sea. In this stream, trout bite as rapid and as strong as in Eastern\nstreams, and [are] even more abundant and delicious. The largest trout caught (by Mr. Begelow, the\ninsurance agent), being over 22 inches long and weighing about four pounds. In this stream the largest\naverage from ten to fifteen inches.\" (Sentinel 1/13/1866)\nLaguna Creek\nIn a lengthy article meant to be a guide to the camping and fishing spots in the county, a trout season-opening\narticle written in April, 1874 touted Laguna Creek:\n\"Probably the best known fishing and camping ground [in Santa Cruz County] is Laguna Creek, situated\nabout nine miles up the coast...The beauty and attractiveness of this spot, the scenery and\nsurroundings alone are sufficient without its fishing advantages to call forth a visit from all strangers.\nThere are but few who visit Santa Cruz but also explore Laguna Creek. Starting, say two or three miles\nback from the coast and following the creek down to its mouth, ending in the lagoon, a day's fishing\nwould probably give to the experienced angler from one hundred and fifty to two hundred trout.\n[emphasis added] The trout, though very plenty [sic] in this stream, are not as large as in many of our\nother streams. Experienced anglers, however, prefer these smaller fish to the larger, being sweeter and\ndaintier to the taste. Salmon trout, very large, are also frequently caught at Laguna Creek.\n(Sentinel 4/4/1874)\n\"Trout Slaughtering\"\nSince there were neither limits on size or number of fish taken, the numbers of trout taken from the streams\nwas often astonishing. The year 1891 was a tough one for North Coast trout. An article published in early June\nnoted: \"Messrs. Tom Dakan and Rob Dudley whipped the San Vicente for trout Sunday with immense results.\nEight hundred and fifty is the record they are willing to make their affidavit on, and all caught with a hook.\"\n(Surf 6/2/1891) Later in June, 1891: \"Chas. B. Richardson drove a merry party to Scotts Creek Saturday and the\ntrout slaughtering was a great one. Here it is, beginning at the largest catch..\" The article then listed a total of\n1,516 fish taken between seven anglers with one named \"Bootsie\" taking 675 (Surf6/30/1891).\nSome North Coast residents didn't bother with the niceties of hook and line. As the fish populations began to\ndecline, local Fish Patrol wardens [17] stepped up their efforts to stop the wholesale depopulation of local\n19\n\n�streams. A San Francisco newspaper noted in 1891 that, along the North Coast there was an \"unpleasant state\nof affairs\": \"The Portuguese, who live within close proximity to the streams, have been slaughtering young\ngrilse by the thousands and salting them down for their own use. The law-breakers use giant-powder\ncartridges and seines which reach from bank to bank, thus preventing any possibility of the fish ascending the\nstream.\" (Surf 10/5/1891)\nOrganizations to Foster Trout Planting and Habitat - 1875\nFrom the early 1850s, trout fishing was a popular attraction to bring visitors to Santa Cruz County, and, as the\nstreams became heavily encumbered with factories and mills, and fishing pressure increased, many saw the\nneed for restocking the county's streams. In the late 1870s, an organization named \"The Santa Cruz\nOrganization for the Propagation and Protection of Fish\" was formed. The organization was committed to\nhelping catch game law violators as well as encouraging the stocking of local streams. In 1878 10,000 trout\nwere brought in from a state hatchery and planted throughout the county. Described as the \"McCloud River\nvariety of trout\" the fry were two months old and approximately one inch long (Sentinel 4/20/1878). A plant of\n1,250 pounds of \"Eastern trout fry\" was made throughout the county in 1892, again under the auspices of a\nlocal fishing club (Surf 4/20/1892) (see Appendix 1.2.2, interview with Tom and Richard Dietz, for a description\nof hunting and fishing in the 1920s-50s).\n\n1.2.5.7 NORTH COAST ABALONE\nThe two primary consumers of abalone--Native Americans and otters--were all but removed from the Central\nCalifornia coastline by the late 1840s, and the Yankees who came into California with the Gold Rush\nconsidered them to be nothing more than very large, inedible snails. For the Chinese, however, the mollusks\nwere a delicacy, and they knew how to dry them for shipment across the Pacific. The California coast must\nhave looked like heaven to a fisherman coming from the heavily fished Chinese coast, and they were the first\nto harvest abalone commercially in California. Using pry-bars, wedge-tipped poles and gaffs, the Chinese\nworked the intertidal zone (the Chinese never dove for abalone in California), gathered abalone, dried and\nbaled the meat and shipped it to Chinese markets in San Francisco and across the Pacific. The shells were sold\nto button and jewelry manufacturers, and oftentimes they brought higher prices, per weight, than the meat\n(Lydon, 1985).\nIn the 1880s, harvesters and consumers began to change. John Carpy, the owner of a Santa Cruz seafood\nrestaurant obtained a secret recipe \"from an old Spanish woman at Monterey\" which made the abalone meat\n\"soft and tender.\" Carpy was reluctant to divulge the secret, but said that he was not only cooking and selling\nthem in Santa Cruz, but also shipping abalone prepared with his \"secret\" to restaurants in San Francisco\n(Surf 11/10/1883).\nCarpy was getting most of his abalone from the North Coast, which had heretofore been largely unexploited.\nAn account in 1894: \"On Sunday a party of abalone gatherers drove into town [Santa Cruz] with an immense\nwagon load of abalones, which they had gathered some thirteen miles up the coast. They had 118 in all. They\nare gathered for the San Francisco market.\" (Surf 1/2/1894) By 1898, the mollusk was evolving into a\n\"toothsome univalve\": \"Tom Amaya was on the streets [of Santa Cruz] today with a wagon load of abalones.\nThese toothsome univalves, once so plentiful near Santa Cruz, have been 'hunted' out until a successful\ngatherer must now go some distance along the coast. Amaya's load was the result of a two day's trip as far as\n20\n\n�Pigeon Point.\"(Surf 1/6/1898) In 1901: \"The extreme low tide yesterday afforded mussel and abalone\ngatherers to reap a large harvest. Perhaps the most successful in the latter line were Joe Perry and George\nBowes who brought down two wagon loads gathered from the rocks near the Yellow Bank.\" The abalones\nwere monsters in size and found a ready market.\" (Surf 1/2/1901)\n\"Abalone Tides\"\nAll three of the above occurred during January when the lowest tides occur on the North Coast. Low tides\nwere locally known as \"abalone tides\" as they were most often associated with gathering abalone (Photo 1-2).\nChina Ladder\nThe Chinese presence on the terrace north of Davenport's Landing was persistent enough to name a local\naccess point for them, and local Davenport residents remember a ladder leaning up against the coastal bluff\ndown which Chinese abalone hunters climbed to have access to the isolated intertidal rocks. Donald Clark\ngives the following explanation for the name: \"The name applied to an access point along the shore of the\nPacific about one-half mile southeast of Pelican Rock. On top of the bluff was a shack in which lived several\nChinese, who obtained abalone from the rocks below and dried them for the Chinese trade. From the bluff\nthey followed a trail, then down a rope, and finally a ladder to reach the beach.\" (Hoover, 1966) \"The beach at\nthe foot of China Ladder was known as China Ladder Beach, and the nearby gulch became known as China\nLadder Gulch.\" (Clark, 1986)\nJapanese Abalone Divers and Hard-Hat Diving in Central California\nIn 1898, a group of Japanese immigrants imported the technique of hard hat diving to Point Lobos just south\nof Monterey. Since the Chinese had not ventured any deeper than they could reach with a pole at low tide,\nthe abalone beds beyond that depth were virtually untouched. At first the Japanese fishermen dried the\nabalone as had their Chinese predecessors, shipping the dried meat back to Japan. But the Japanese soon\nadded a modern cannery to their operation at Point Lobos, and the canned product began appearing in local\nstores. As the business grew, the Japanese divers expanded their range, venturing ever-farther south along the\nCalifornia Coast, following the path that the Chinese intertidal gatherers had laid down decades earlier.\n(Lydon, 1997).\nThe Japanese immigrants not only inherited and modernized the abalone industry pioneered by their Chinese\npredecessors, they also fell heir to the anti-Asian racism that characterized so much of California's history.\nFrom their entry into the abalone business, the Japanese and their techniques became the targets of both\ncounty and state regulations. Between 1899 and 1939, the Japanese divers worked within an ever-tightening\nnet of rules and regulations. By imposing minimum diving depths and closed areas, the Japanese were driven\nsouth down the coast from Monterey and deeper into the water.[18]\nMeanwhile, increasing pressure was being brought on the abalone resource by non-Japanese abalone hunters.\nSeveral marine biologists argued that it was not the Japanese divers who were decimating the resource, but\nthe \"sportsmen\" who used extremely low tides to harvest their huge catches. In January of 1912, for example,\nwe have the following note in the local newspaper:\"A wagon piled high with abalones was on the street today.\nIn it were a part of 800 of these shellfish that were gathered by Joe Fritz and L. Kelly at New Years Point.\"\n(Surf 1/4/1912) In 1940 the leading abalone biologist in California noted that the disappearance of the abalone\nfrom the intertidal area should be laid at the feet of the sport fishermen, not the commercial divers (Bonnot,\n21\n\n�1940). Following their forced internment during World War II, the Japanese did not return to the abalone\nindustry.\n\n1.2.5.8 DEVELOPMENT OF NORTH COAST WATER RESOURCES – THE 1890S\nWater for the City\nBeginning in the early 1850s, Frederick Augustus Hihn supplied water to Santa Cruz through his private water\nsystem, the Santa Cruz Water Company. The two main sources of water were the springs above the site of\nSanta Cruz Mission and upper Branciforte Creek. A second private system was developed on Majors Creek in\nthe early 1880s and managed locally by W.H. Duke. In the mid-1880s the Duke system collapsed financially,\nand the city of Santa Cruz, seeking an alternative to the Hihn monopoly, began efforts to acquire the system.\nThey tarried too long, however, and Hihn bought the system before the city could act. In response, Santa Cruz\nthen decided to develop its own water system. In 1889, after investigating the potential of a number of coastal\nstreams (including Branciforte Creek, Carbonero Creek, and Majors Creek), the city decided that Laguna Creek\nhad the greatest potential (Surf 9/17/1889; 9/18/1889; 12/7/1889).\nConstruction of the city's Laguna Creek water system began in the spring of 1890 and was completed in\nDecember of that year. A dam was constructed on the creek and a ten-mile water main, 14 inches in diameter,\ncarried the water to a 60,000,000-gallon reservoir located above the city on High Street. The system was able\nto deliver water at ninety pounds pressure at its hydrants on Cooper Street in downtown Santa Cruz\n(Surf 9/30/1890; 10/17/1890).\nBig Creek Power - 1896\nWith their municipal water system in place, the City of Santa Cruz began to look for electric power, along with\nalmost every other California municipality: \"In the 1890-1900 decade, the fever of hydroelectric development\nwas sweeping California. Men everywhere were looking for sites where water could be dropped from higher\nelevations to drive wheels and turbines at streamside.\" (Coleman 1952) In 1895 the transmission of\nhydroelectricity over a long distance was proven possible by the opening of an electric system between\ngenerators at Folsom and the city of Sacramento 22 miles away (Coleman, 1952). The Folsom system inspired\nothers throughout the state to build similar systems, and not surprisingly, Santa Cruz leaders began looking\ntoward the North Coast.\nIn 1896, Duncan MacPherson, the editor of the Santa Cruz Sentinel, urged the city to investigate the possibility\nof using Horace Gushee's irrigation dam on Laguna Creek to form the basis for a city-owned hydroelectric\nfacility. Once again the city was outrun by an entrepreneur. Fred Swanton went farther up the coast to the\nScotts Creek watershed, surveyed the hydroelectric potential of Big Creek, and in what he later claimed was a\nrecord fifty-eight working days, constructed a hydroelectric system from scratch. On June 12, 1896, the falling\nwaters of Big Creek drove a generator that pushed electricity seventeen miles to Santa Cruz for a huge, public\nparty in front of the Odd Fellows building on Pacific Avenue (Surf 6/13/1896). SurfEditor Arthur Taylor\nexpressed mixed feelings about the system, recognizing the price that the creek had to pay for the power:\n\"The stream known as Big Creek which empties into the ocean about twenty miles up the coast is one\nof the largest streams in the county and flows through a most picturesque and romantic canyon. It has\nbeen a favorite trout stream since American occupation of California, barring the obstruction of three\n22\n\n�falls, one 90 feet, one of 60 feet and one of 250 feet. Many an angler has questioned the wisdom of\nplacing these obstructions in a good trout stream where distance, declivities and boulders combined to\nrender them inaccessible to sightseers, but this is all solved now for we know that those falls are what\nhas made the Bgt Creek Electric Light and Power Company's scheme a success.\"(Surf 6/10/1896) (see\nPhoto 1-3)\nDuring the first two years, Big Creek power was off as often as it was on. Swanton and his engineers could not\nhave timed their hydroelectric venture at a less opportune moment, as the seasons of 1897-1898 and 18981899 saw less than half of the typical rainfall. By the second year of the drought, the flow in Big Creek no\nlonger had sufficient volume to drive the generator and Swanton had to purchase a steam generating plant\nand install it to supplement the hydroelectric equipment (Surf 12/21/1898). Meanwhile, the persistent wind\nand salt air of the North Coast played havoc with the transmission line into Santa Cruz. In 1900, when he was\napproached by several investors who wished to purchase the company, Swanton was ready to sell. The new\nowners refurbished the dams and flumes and re-routed the transmission line by running it directly over the\nmountain to Ben Lomond and then down along the San Lorenzo River into Santa Cruz. (Surf2/6/1900). Other\nimprovements were made and the power plant continued to provide electricity through the 1930s. The\nwildfire in September of 1948 destroyed a considerable part of the flume work and dams, and the last owners\n(Coast Counties Gas and Electric) did not replace them. The power plant site is still marked on the current\nUSGS. quadrangle.\n\n1.3 – THE COMING OF COAST DAIRIES: TRANSFORMATION\nOne afternoon in April, 1901, Louis Moretti and Jeremiah Respini shook hands at the Santa Cruz County\ncourthouse, a defining moment for the Coast Dairies Property. The signing of the incorporation papers for the\nCoast Dairies & Land Co. formalized a relationship that had existed for a number of years. The corporation not\nonly combined the considerable real estate owned by Louis Moretti and Jeremiah Respini, but it also had a\nliberating effect on the entrepreneurial energies in the two men. The words \"dairies\" and \"land\" suggest\nsomething bucolic: cows grazing lazily across the coastal hills being tended by patient, hardworking dairymen.\nThere continued to be dairies on the property, of course, but the cows were soon sidelined by a surge in\nindustrial enterprise. By the end of the first decade of the twentieth century the natural resources of the\nNorth Coast were unlocked and the peace and quiet replaced with the growl and whine of crushers, saws and\nsteam locomotives (see Figure 1-2).\n\n1.3.1 NORTH COAST BITUMEN MINING AND THE OIL RUSH OF 1901\nSince the 1860s, geologists had been confidently predicting that there was oil on the North Coast. The early\nyears were dominated by miners and engineers trying to extract oil from the black asphaltum that oozed from\nthe surface of the earth just north of Majors Creek on Rancho Refugio. Using retorts to heat and distill the oil\nfrom the mixture of oil and sand, a series of oil companies worked unsuccessfully to make the process pay\n(Sentinel 5/28/1864). It was much easier to mine the asphaltum material and use it for paving, a practice that\nbegan in the early 1880s. By 1887, many of the primary streets in Santa Cruz had been paved with the black\nmaterial, and sixty tons per day were being taken out of the surface mines:\n23\n\n�\"The material is found in enormous quantities in the section commonly known as the 'petroleum\ndistrict' from eight to ten miles up the coast from [Santa Cruz], where it exists in stratas of from four to\nforty feet in thickness, to an extent not yet explored. There are abundant outcroppings over an area of\nabout two miles. The rock quarried thus far has been taken from...the upper canyon of the Cajo or\nMajors creek, but last spring good indications were discovered near the ocean shore, along the same\ncanyon on the property of Pio Scaroni [19].\" (Sentinel 10/6/1887)\nIn 1889 the company shipped 300 tons from the North Coast mine to Seattle (Sentinel 2/14/1889). As with all\nNorth Coast resources, however, it was a continual challenge to get the bitumin to market. In the early 1890s\na bitumin mine near San Luis Obispo could get their product to San Jose cheaper than the mine on the North\nCoast (Sentinel11/9/1891). The bitumin was waiting for a railroad.\nThe first glimmer of the North Coast's transformation came in the opening months of 1901, when a gaggle of\ngeologists began poking around the coastal terrace looking for oil. Logic suggested that, if oil-bearing sands\nemerged from the earth at that spot, there had to be pools of oil lurking underground somewhere in the\nvicinity. Spurred by reports of large oil deposits found throughout California and even larger fortunes earned\nby lucky investors, oil-drilling rigs popped up almost overnight throughout Santa Cruz County. The Santa Cruz\nOil Company, funded by local investors led by the indefatigable Fred Swanton, negotiated a lease with a\nnumber of North Coast property owners (including Jeremiah Respini), and began drilling on the Scaroni\nproperty, very near the bitumin beds. Other companies quickly followed, and soon there were daily reports\npublished in the Santa Cruz newspapers giving well depths and the cheerful predictions of the geologists.\nOil was found in some of the wells, but it was measured in buckets, not the barrels necessary to make the\noperations profitable. By early 1902, the Santa Cruz Surf said that the oil boom seemed to be \"busted\"\n(Surf1/8/1902). The Santa Cruz Oil Company ceased drilling on the North Coast and the leases ran out. But the\nminers continued to work the bitumin pits just as they had since the 1860s, loading the heavy dark rock into\nwagons and hauling it to Santa Cruz for shipment.\n\n1.3.2 PORTLAND CEMENT\nLime and limestone-derived products usually led Santa Cruz County's annual list of industrial production\nthroughout the nineteenth century, and the phrase \"Santa Cruz lime\" was known and respected throughout\nCalifornia. (Sentinel 10/15/1870) Most of the production was controlled by the company owned by Henry\nCowell, with its kilns on the hill above Santa Cruz and its long, sloped wharf extending off the cliff just west of\ntown. Other companies tapped into the limestone on both flanks of Ben Lomond Mountain (including several\ncompanies on the North Coast), but Cowell had the singular advantage over his competitors of easy access to\na dependable wharf and outside markets.\nOne of the lime-based products that grew increasingly valuable as the twentieth century began was Portland\ncement. Construction using brick and mortar (lime was used in making mortar) was giving way to concrete, in\nwhich the main ingredient was cement. Portland cement was made by burning a combination of limestone\nand shale, and then grinding the result into a fine powder. Ben Lomond Mountain had both ingredients in\nabundance, and at least one Portland cement operation had been operating off and on about a mile upstream\non the San Lorenzo River since the early 1880s.\n24\n\n�Where lime could be produced using a relatively simple technology--all that was needed was limestone, a kiln,\nlots of firewood, and strong men--Portland cement required some sophisticated equipment to get the proper\ncombinations of ingredients heated to exacting temperatures. In Santa Cruz County, capital was the only\nfactor missing from the equation, and it arrived in 1903 in the satchel of William Dingee, commonly known as\nthe \"Cement King.\" Dingee, through his Standard Portland Cement Company, owned cement plants in Napa\nCalifornia, Bellingham, Washington, and Pennsylvania. He saw the potential offered by Ben Lomond Mountain\nand proposed to build a cement plant on the brow of the hill just above Santa Cruz.\nThe debate that raged in Santa Cruz over Dingee's cement plant proposal has a very contemporary feel to it.\nSome, like the editor of the Santa Cruz Sentinel, argued that the plant would bring dependable economic\nbenefits to the community. With the redwood forests fast being turned into lumber, the cement plant could\nprovide a stable economic base for years to come. Others, however, were fearful of the impact that the plant\nwould have on the town's air and ears. Arthur Taylor, the Editor of the Daily Surf, suggested that the plant\ncould very well ruin the quality of life in the town. By 1904, it appeared that Dingee might not get the\nnecessary support from the Santa Cruz Town Council.\nMeanwhile, Dingee and Louis Moretti of Coast Dairies & Land Company had been talking. It is not clear\nwhether Moretti approached Dingee or vice versa, but by early 1905 there were rumors flying in Santa Cruz\nthat Dingee was moving his proposed cement plant from noisy and contentious Santa Cruz to the isolated\ncanyons of the North Coast. In May of that year, Taylor's Surf reported that Dingee had optioned 130 acres of\nCoast Dairy land on the north side of the mouth of San Vicente Creek for a factory. By moving the plant up to\nthe North Coast, however, Dingee was leaving behind the necessary access to transportation afforded by\nSanta Cruz's wharves and railroads. Dingee's stated plan was to ship cement off a new wharf at Davenport's\nLanding, but Taylor hinted that there was something else in the offing: \"While independent shipping facilities\nwill be provided, it is a moral certainty that if a cement factory is established a coast railroad will be\nconstructed...\"(Surf 5/6/1905)\n\n1.3.3 SOUTHERN PACIFIC RAILROAD\nApparently Dingee had been talking to a lot of people, including the leadership of the Southern Pacific Railroad\n(SPRR). Several weeks later, SPRR announced that it would be extending its line northward from Santa Cruz to\nSan Francisco along the coast. In reality, as railroad historians have noted, the Southern Pacific had no\nintention of building all the way to San Francisco. Their goal was to build a twelve-mile line that would end at\nthe cement plant. The freight generated by the cement plant would be enough to support its construction\n(Hamman, 1980).\nThe Ocean Shore Electric Railway\nMeanwhile, in early 1905 and totally unrelated to the cement plant planned for the North Coast, a group of\ninvestors incorporated the Ocean Shore Electric Railway and began surveying for a railroad to run along the\ncoast between San Francisco and Santa Cruz. Their plan was to begin at both ends and work toward the\nmiddle, planning to meet somewhere in San Mateo County. As originally planned, it was to be an electricpowered railroad and would have two sets of tracks. The Ocean Shore Electric was born on paper on May 18,\n1905. At the beginning of 1905, the North Coast had no railroads, but within six months it had the prospects of\ntwo, with three sets of track (Wagner, 1974).\n25\n\n�The thought of the fledgling Ocean Shore competing side-by-side with the gargantuan, state-controlling,\ninfamously ruthless Southern Pacific was daunting, but very early on the two railroads reached a moderately\ncooperative arrangement. The Ocean Shore was the first to begin construction northward out of Santa Cruz,\nbut it had to bring its equipment in over Southern Pacific track. The two companies decided to lay their tracks\nside by side with the Ocean Shore taking the outer (ocean) side of the right of way and the SPRR the inner.\nSince there were to be three sets of tracks, the original right of way and the cuts and fills [20] were much wider\nthan usual.\nThe Ocean Shore was the first on the ground and could take advantage of any of the freight being generated\nby the construction of the cement plant beside the San Vicente. However, the Ocean Shore also knew that,\nonce its rival had completed laying their own track, they would lose all the cement plant freight and would\nhave to depend on the revenues generated from daily traffic between San Francisco and Santa Cruz.\nConstruction of the Ocean Shore Electric Railway\nWhile the Ocean Shore waited for materials to arrive, they leap-frogged a large crew of laborers up to Waddell\nCreek and blasted a railroad grade across the base of the historically pesky bluff: \"The Ocean Shore engineers,\nwith audacity and dynamite, are doing in a few days what Nature has been lazily working at for ages. In other\nwords, they are blasting down the bluff to make a clear grade for railway and highway at this hitherto perilous\nplace.\" (Surf 6/15/1905) Their reason for racing up to Waddell's was designed to block the Southern Pacific (or\nanyone else) from getting past that point without drilling a tunnel. They also purchased rights-of-way and\nmade immediate cuts at other rocky points farther up the coast, San Gregorio Bluff and Mussel Rock Bluffs.\nThe Ocean Shore believed that \"[their] control of these places makes it absolutely necessary for a competing\nline to resort to tunneling to get past these places, requiring approximately four miles of tunnel in a distance\nof fifty (50) miles of road.\"(Surf 10/2/1907) Meanwhile, the railroad had to deal with the very issue they\nintended to solve: getting the necessary lumber delivered ahead of their northward march out of Santa Cruz.\nBy August of 1905 large loads of Douglas fir poles were being loaded off ships and rafted to North Coast\nbeaches and the trestle building began.\nThe Ocean Shore Trestles\nThe plan was to build the trestles across the gullies and lagoons and then fill them in with rock and earth. \"All\nthese trestles except the one just beyond Wilder's are to be filled and must be filled before heavy trains can\npass over them. This work is on joint account between the two companies, and the embankments, when\ncomplete will be 36 feet wide at the top, capable of accommodating three tracks.\" (Surf 2/3/1906) Material\ntaken from the cuts was loaded into special side-dumping gondolas and then dumped off the top of the\ntrestles. The result was a string of huge earth-and-rock ramparts each one containing a reinforcing wooden\nstructure as its heart (see Photo 1-4 and Photos 14, 15, and 16 in Appendix 1.3 for a depiction of the sequence\nof trestle filling).\nThe Ocean Shore Stream Tunnels\nRather than direct each stream through a culvert beneath the trestle, the railroad engineers chose to cut\ntunnels through the rock on the north side of each of the canyons. The engineers picked the north side of the\ncanyons because they knew that the littoral drift on the coast was from north to south, and the tunnel mouths\nwere much less likely to be filled with sand if they were on the \"uphill\" side of the beach drift. Further, each\ntunnel was drilled so that it emptied out a little above the land on the ocean side to insure that seasonal high\n26\n\n�sand levels did not block it. The pattern holds throughout the Coast Dairies Property: at each trestle fill there is\na tunnel through the rock on the north side of the ravine.\nOne contemporary observer, Arthur Taylor of the Surf newspaper, was uncertain of the effectiveness of the\ntunnels, and in a remarkable article written in 1906, he expressed his skepticism: \"Tunnels have been\nexcavated in the solid rock walls of the canyon into which the running streams will be conveyed as fast as the\nfills are complete. The Old Settler shakes his head when he looks at these holes in the wall, but the Civil\nEngineer says they are of capacity to carry all the water that can come. Time will tell.\" (Surf 2/3/1906)\nNow, almost a century later, after repeated earthquakes and floods, the tunnels continue to gather the\nupstream water and deposit it on north side of each cove.\nThe Legacy: The Railroad Ramparts\nThe effect of these huge earthen walls on the coastal landscape was, and continues to be, dramatic. Because\nthey were built with a 36 foot width at the top, their bulk is such that when one is standing on them, they\nappear as if they had been leveled out of the existing landscape.\nWhen viewed from the ocean side, the ramparts make the coast appear as one continuous, level wall. Each of\nthe beaches along the rampart is backed by a huge, steep, smooth-faced slope. Some, like the fill that crosses\nbehind the San Vicente beach, still exhibit their unconsolidated heritage by confronting the hiker with an\nunclimbable bank of scree. Since the fill slopes are too steep to walk, pedestrians have cut trails down to the\nbeaches on the natural bluff faces, and many of them are precarious and rugged.\nThe effect on the landward side of the ramparts is even more dramatic. Standing at stream-level one cannot\nsee the ocean at all, and the wall blocks the prevailing-onshore wind as well as the late afternoon sun. More\nimportantly for the residents of the North Coast, the railroad fills blocked access to the beaches and lagoons,\nand since the original coast road looped in and out on the landward side of the railroad line, the residents in\neach of the coastal valleys were cut off from the immediate coast.\nEven when the coast road was straightened and leveled with its own cuts and fills beginning in the late 1930s,\nthe highway grade was below that of the railroad so that each time Highway 1 drops down into one of the\nvalleys, there is a wall on the ocean side blocking any view of the beach. The tradition of hidden \"secret\"\nbeaches is one of the railroad's legacies, with \"clothing optional\" beaches and homeless encampments dotting\nthis coastline, effectively screened off from the highway by the walls of earth built by the Ocean Shore\nRailroad. It is possible to regularly drive along this coast and never know there are beaches at San Vicente,\nLiddell, Yellowbank or Laguna.\nEditor Taylor of the Surf was particularly distressed with the effect of the railroad fill at Laguna Creek. Laguna\nwas famous in the nineteenth century for a large stand of California laurel trees that grew upstream from its\ncoastal lagoon, and many early accounts extol the virtues of the place as a picnic ground. Taylor expressed\ndistress at what the railroad did to the grove: \"Laguna, grown sacred as a shrine of summer rest and joy to\nthousands has been cut in twain by a trestle, which will soon become a solid embankment hiding the ocean\nand shutting off the heavens from the remaining part of the grove.\" (Surf 2/3/1906) Laguna continued to be\nthe social center for the North Coast community and even today, there are picnics in the laurel groves inland\nfrom the railroad line. And there are still several old, gnarled laurels on the ocean side of the rampart, their\n\n27\n\n�bark etched with initials and carvings that may date to those days before the railroad came marching\ninexorably through.\nTaylor saved his strongest words for the effect of the railroad and the burgeoning cement plant on San Vicente\nCreek. San Vicente had been the crown jewel of Santa Cruz County's trout fishing streams, always listed first in\ncomparison to the San Lorenzo and Soquel with their industrially-fouled waters. In 1906 the San Vicente was\nshowing the effects of being launched into the Industrial Age: \"The San Vicente Creek, beloved of the angler\nand the artist, has its mouth stopped by a vast dyke, and its throat choked into a tunnel, a saloon on its\nborder, and its bed for miles denuded of the granite cobbles and sand beds. A sawmill is swiftly cutting out the\ntimber and dirt and debris defile the pools and clog the riffles where lurked the gamey trout.\" (Surf 2/02/1906)\nComparisons\nBecause there were no trestle-fill ramparts on the immediate coast north of Davenport, there are two beaches\nwithin the Coast Dairies Property that provide comparisons with the railroad rampart beaches. The beach at\nDavenport Landing was visible and accessible from the old coast road and only disappeared from view when\nthe highway was straightened in the 1950s. Scotts Creek Beach is visible and accessible to the public because\nthe modern highway drops down onto the sand itself. Both of these beaches are well known to the public and\nheavily used.\nThe Railroad Cuts\nA word must be said about the cuts through which the present-day railroad makes its way between Santa Cruz\nand Davenport. By any measure, they are huge. From base to base they still measure around 30 feet,\nreflecting the original plan to have three sets of broad gauge rails run through them. Between 1907 and 1923,\nwhen both the Southern Pacific and Ocean Shore operated along the coast, there were two sets of rails in\noperation, but now the Union Pacific's rails are centered in the cuts, running on a raised platform of gravel\nballast. From all appearances, the width of the cuts and the raised tracks are relatively easy to maintain. What\nfew landslides have occurred in the cuts have fallen harmlessly at their base, well away from the tracks\nthemselves.\nEffects on Fishing\nAfter 1906 the fish that had migrated freely up and down the streams were channeled through tunnels and in\nsome places confronted with new obstructions that they could not surmount. By default, after 1906,\nrampartless Scotts Creek became an extremely important North Coast stream, a fact that was recognized by\nthe State Fish and Game Commission when they declared the lower section a fish refuge. Scotts Creek's\nimportance as a center of fish propagation on the North Coast is yet another legacy of railroad landscaping\ndown the coast.\nIn a remarkable description written in early 1906, Arthur Taylor wrote of the immediate effects that the Ocean\nShore's cuts and fills were having on the North Coast: \"Enterprise has outraged Nature until the human heart\nmust bleed in sympathy with her prostrate, mangled form. The fields where once the grain waved, the kine\nfed and the poppies spread over the uncultivated corners, are seamed and scarred and gashed; huge\nembankments as high as tree tops stretch across the canyons where they debouch into the ocean; and the\ncoastwise brooks have all been ruthlessly taken out of their beds and driven through dark, gruesome tunnels.\nThe alluring byroads and by-paths that led from the coast road across the fields to the Natural Bridge and its\n28\n\n�nearby beach, to Parson's beach to the little pebbly beach and the other cozy nooks along the shore have all\nbeen severed by strips of steel or gouged out by that cruel steam shovel.\" (Surf2/3/1906)\nHundreds of laborers worked into the fall of 1905, and when the railroad's first locomotive arrived in October,\nthe movement of materials and men to the railhead went much more quickly. Heavy rains in early 1906\nslowed the work, but it was the earthquake on April 18 that captured everybody's attention.\nThe 1906 Earthquake\nThe early morning earthquake on April 18 interrupted all the North Coast construction projects. The Southern\nPacific lost not only its corporate offices in San Francisco, but also suffered extensive damage along its Central\nCalifornia routes. Perhaps the most daunting was the blockage of the huge tunnel through the Santa Cruz\nMountains on its South Pacific Coast branch line. It would take the railroad three years to re-open that section\nto traffic. With all the other challenges facing the Southern Pacific, the North Coast branch to San Vicente was\ndelayed.\nThe effect on the stretch of Ocean Shore working toward the cement plant site north of Santa Cruz was\nminimal. There was some settling of the trestle fill just south of Laguna, but as one observer noted, the\nearthquake combined with the previous heavy rains probably accelerated the settling process all along the\nline. Since the Southern Pacific had not yet begun to build northward from Santa Cruz, the Ocean Shore\nimmediately resumed work because of the promise of a temporary monopoly.\nWork on the segment of the Ocean Shore building south from San Francisco halted for a time after April 18,\nand the earthquake would eventually prove to be fatal to the plans of the Ocean Shore's two-track electric\nrailroad from San Francisco to Santa Cruz. The Ocean Shore's investors were never able to recover from the\neffects of the earthquake and its aftermath, economic recession of 1907. Ultimately the deeper pockets of the\nSouthern Pacific corporation would prevail.\nThe first passenger train from Santa Cruz to San Vicente ran on June 15, 1906 just two months after the\nearthquake. Taylor described the day: \"There was an odor of new-mown hay in the atmosphere, poppies\nspattered the wayside with their daytime starts, and the uplands were just commencing to show a tinge of the\nbrown of the dry season, and the ocean lay alongside all the way-placid, without a murmur or even a\nmonotone that could be heard a hundred yards. The locomotive still attracts the attention of cattle up the\ncoast, and many horses resent its appearance...\"(Surf 6/15/1906) In less than twelve months the Ocean Shore\nrailroad had built twelve miles of improbable track and bed, spanning gulches, cutting down hills and leveling\nout Father Crespí's \"tiresome\" North Coast. Regular passenger service did not begin until the summer of 1907,\nbut during the intervening year the Ocean Shore locomotives hauled equipment and building materials to the\ncement plant that was rising alongside the San Vicente. Two immediate effects of the Ocean Shore railroad\nwere an increase in the value of real estate all along its completed and proposed route, as well as an\nestimated 20 percent increase in land being used for agriculture.\nThe Ocean Shore's monopoly on railroad traffic between Santa Cruz and San Vicente ended when the\nSouthern Pacific completed its rails and began passenger service in July, 1907. With their hopes to build the\nrailroad through to San Francisco still in place, the Ocean Shore was not overly concerned about losing the\ncement plant revenue. However, as the recession of 1907 deepened, and it became increasingly obvious that\nthe railroad might never be completed, the Ocean Shore began to search for another source of paying freight\nto help support the cost of the branch north of Santa Cruz.\n29\n\n�The Ocean Shore began working northward from San Vicente in October 1906, and to avoid a long trestle\nacross the mouth of Scotts Creek, the railroad chose a route that followed the old coast road, running inland\nacross Molino Creek and up the east side of Scotts Creek Valley. In October of 1907 the three-mile section\nbetween San Vicente and the junction of Scott and Little Creek was completed, and the construction crews\ndeparted for other projects while the railroad attempted to gather together enough funds to continue\nnorthward towards Waddell (Surf, 10/24/1906; 5/20/1907; 10/2/1907). One of the objectives of the Ocean\nShore, were it completed between San Francisco and Santa Cruz, was to open the huge old-growth forests on\nthe western slope of the Santa Cruz Mountains. The railroad estimated that over two billion board feet of\nlumber was standing in the canyons between San Francisco and San Vicente with over 700 million board feet\nin the watersheds of Waddell Creek, Scotts Creek, and the San Vicente (Wagner, 1974). Even if the railroad\nwas not pushed northward beyond Scotts Creek, it was in a position to haul logs or lumber out of those\ncanyons.\n\n1.3.4 THE CEMENT PLANT AND THE QUARRY RAILROAD\nMeanwhile, as the Ocean Shore was building its railroad to the San Vicente, the cement plant was rising on the\ntreeless terrace. Using horses and an army of laborers, the San Francisco construction company of Healy and\nTibbits leveled the site. The camp for the construction company was in the valley of the San Vicente upstream\nfrom the proposed Ocean Shore Railroad grade. Hauling granite from the creekbed and sand from the beach,\nthe company made cement to build the factory. During a visit in February of 1906 Taylor described the rising\ncement factory \"a scene of extended walls, open arches and massive battlements [that] reminded one of\npictures of ancient ruined cities.\" (Surf 2/3/1906)\nThe 1906 earthquake may have been a problem for the Ocean Shore line, but it accelerated the demand for\nconcrete construction. Brick and mortar construction was rendered unacceptable by the earthquake, and\nwooden buildings by subsequent fires, driving most architects toward what became known as \"fireproof\"\nconcrete construction. Dingee and his associates worked toward the completion of the cement plant secure in\nthe knowledge that there would be a strong market for Portland cement (see Photo 1-5, and Photos 3 through\n11, Appendix 1.3). By the end of 1906, the plant was ready to begin limited operation, and six months later\nwas producing 3,000 barrels of cement per day (Surf 8/14/1907).\nIf the work the Ocean Shore Railroad was doing with its trestles and fills along the coast was impressive, the\nbroad gauge railroad laid up the San Vicente Canyon to the limestone quarry site was almost equally so. The\n\"snake-like\" railroad was cut into three miles of the north wall of the canyon. The grade required almost\ncontinual blasting, and in one impressive instance, rocks thrown by an 8,000-pound blast landed over three\nmiles away from the explosion. The cement company built eight trestles to bridge side canyons along the way,\nwith one 300 feet long and 137 feet above the canyon floor (see Photo 1-6) (Surf 12/11/1905).\nThe tough, dangerous work was done mostly by crews of Greek laborers brought in by Healy and Tibbits just\nfor that purpose. Several hundred Greeks cut the road into the canyon wall undertaking what one official\ntermed \"the hardest class of work\"(Surf 9/23/05). The San Vicente gave up the railroad grade grudgingly, and\ninjuries to the workers were a daily occurrence. Boulders crushed arms and legs and there was a steady\nstream of injured men taken into Santa Cruz for care. Confronted with what, to them, were unpronounceable\nGreek names, the newspapers often reported the injuries simply by giving the number that the man wore on\n30\n\n�his overalls: \"Two Greeks injured by falling rocks. Greek No. 573 and Greek No. 25, employed at the Santa Cruz\nPortland cement quarry, were treated lately by Dr. P.T. Phillips for injuries received by falling rocks. These\nGreeks all have numbers, a brass tag around their necks distinguishing them. No 573 received the most severe\ninjury and had his leg badly cut open and No. 25 had his collar bone broken.\" (Surf 12/2/1907)\nSimultaneously with all of the other construction, the quarry was opened and a huge rock crusher installed to\nknock the limestone and shale down to a uniform size. The stone was then hauled down to the cement plant\non the railroad to be processed. Another large crew of Greeks worked in the quarry, and a small town named\nBella Vista was built downstream from the quarry to house the workers. Arthur Taylor visited the town in\n1910: \"The quarrymen's boarding house perches against the cliff like a swallow's nest under the eaves. It is\nstable-like in appearance, but as moss grows on the decaying log, sentiment clings to the human heart, and\namid these desolate surroundings the Greek grub house is blazoned with the name of 'Bella Vista Hotel.\"\n(Surf 8/1/1910) The irony of having a town with an Italian name housing Greek workers was not lost on Arthur\nTaylor.\n\n1.3.5 THE ROLE OF COAST DAIRIES – THE COMPANY TOWN OF SAN VICENTE\nCasual visitors often assume that the company town that grew up south of the cement plant belonged to the\ncement company, but it did not. Bella Vista and San Vicente, as well as all the supporting infrastructure for the\ncement operation, were owned and managed by Coast Dairies & Land Co. The Standard Portland Cement\nCompany made cement; Coast Dairies did everything else.\nThe isolation that Dingee needed for his noisy, dusty industrial creation meant that all of those working on the\nplant and later employed in it would have to live nearby. In 1905, when the construction on the plant began,\nthere was nothing nearby save the small community at Davenport Landing. So, under the guidance of Coast\nDairies manager Louis Moretti, a town grew up on the slope between the cement plant and San Vicente Creek.\nSince most of the workers were single men, the main feature of the little town was its hotels. Eventually there\nwere two hotels to house the workers, along with buildings to house the other businesses necessary to\nsupport the men. By 1908, the town had two hotels, a general store (known as the \"cash store\"), a post office,\nbutcher shop, barber shop, blacksmith shop, livery stable, public hall and public school. The businesses were\neither managed directly by Moretti or fellow Swiss or Italian immigrants. Initially called San Vicente (or San\nVicente-by-the-sea) in 1905 to distinguish the town from Davenport's Landing just up the coast, the town soon\ncame to be known simply as Davenport, a name that everyone used by 1908.\nIn 1909, to provide the cement plant managers a place for their families to live that was away from the\npredominantly male culture of Davenport, Coast Dairies & Land company laid out a small sixteen lot town on\nthe north side of the factory. Skeptics also noted that the little subdivision was upwind from the cement plant\nand thus suffered less cement dustfall than the larger town to the south. Originally called Morettiville in honor\nof the manager of Coast Dairies, the town eventually came to be known as the \"New Town\" to distinguish it\nfrom the older Davenport, and today it has been shortened to NewTown (Clark, 1986; Orlando pers. comm.,\n2000).\n\n31\n\n�The Coast Dairies & Land Co.\nDuring the early decades of the twentieth century, the company continued to operate five distinct dairies on\ntheir property, with an aggregate total of about 800 cattle. The progressive impulses that the company\nexhibited in its relationship with the cement plant were also evident in the dairy business. In 1902 they\nopened a direct-to-the-consumer retail outlet in downtown Santa Cruz with the most modern equipment fully\nvisible through windows facing Pacific Avenue. However, selling butter and cheese in San Francisco supported\nthe bulk of their business, and the completion of the Ocean Shore Railroad brought convenient transportation\nfor their products (although \"convenient\" in North Coast terms meant via Santa Cruz). The company also\nraised hay and other farm products, in addition to renting the groves at Laguna and Liddell for picnics.\n\n1.3.6 THE LAST EXTRACTION: THE SAN VICENTE LUMBER COMPANY\nThe cement plant, quarry and attendant railroad weren't quite enough to satisfy the turn-of-the-century\nentrepreneurial spirit, and there is still one more industrial story line to emerge from events early in the\ntwentieth century. In the late 1890s, the Santa Cruz Lime Company purchased approximately 7,500 acres\nimmediately upstream on the San Vicente from the land owned by Louis Moretti. The company then built and\noperated a lime kiln on the San Vicente and freighted their finished product down the creek and over to the\nold Davenport Landing. Not long after purchasing the site for their cement plant from Coast Dairies, the\nStandard Portland Cement Company purchased the entire property and kiln operation from Santa Cruz Lime,\nand it was there (adjacent to the current Coast Dairies Property) that they then established the limestone\nquarry for the cement plant (Surf 8/15/1906). William Dingee was not in the lumber business, however, and in\n1907 he sold the timber rights (but not the land itself) to a group of Mormon lumbermen from Salt Lake City.\nBy the spring of 1908 the group was incorporated as the San Vicente Lumber Company and had purchased a\ntotal of 16,000 acres of timber rights in the upper San Vicente and Scotts Creek drainages (Hamman, 1980).\nBlocked by the cement plant limestone quarry from access to the upper San Vicente, the San Vicente Lumber\nCo. used the Scotts Creek-Little Creek drainages as their access, coming around to the timber from the\nnorthwest. The company then decided to locate their mill on the northern edge of Santa Cruz beside Moore's\nCreek, and after some wrangling with the town council they received the necessary permission and began\nbuilding the largest lumber mill in the history of the county. The mill had a daily capacity of 70,000 board feet.\nMoore's Creek was dammed to create their millpond (today's Antonelli's pond).\nOver the next 14 years, the San Vicente Lumber Company built over nine miles of broad gauge railroad into\nthe mountains behind Davenport, felled the trees and brought the logs down to their Santa Cruz mill on the\nOcean Shore Railroad. The grades and switchbacks that enabled the San Vicente railroad to achieve 1,400-foot\nelevation rise were breathtaking, and would be even in 2001. In some places the railroad grade reached eight\npercent. Since the winter rainfall on that side of Ben Lomond Mountain could be prodigious at times, few of\nthe long, spider-web trestles were ever filled in. It has been estimated that the San Vicente Lumber Company\ncut over 400 million board feet of lumber before it ceased operations in 1923 (Hamman, 1980). Several other\ntimber operations worked smaller areas during this time, including the Loma Prieta Lumber Company that\nstarted a relatively small operation on Mill Creek in 1907. Since the Loma Prieta had a mill on site, they\nshipped finished lumber out on the Ocean Shore Railroad, while the San Vicente shipped raw logs\n(Surf 1/14/1907) (see Photo 1-7).\n32\n\n�1.3.7 SANTA CRUZ NEEDS MORE WATER\nThe dry winters of 1897-1898 and 1898-1899, plus increased silt build up in Santa Cruz's Laguna Creek water\nsystem, compelled the city to undertake a series of studies between 1903 and 1912 to find an alternative or\nsupplemental source of water.\nArthur Taylor, whose observations we have quoted before, was something of an amateur hydrologist and over\nthe years he explored a number of North Coast streams and reported about those explorations in his\nnewspaper, the Surf. In 1903 he wrote a series of articles describing the shortcomings of the Laguna Creek\nsystem. In one article he told of standing above the Laguna Dam and looking upstream: \"From this point there\nis little timber in sight above the dam on the Laguna and for some distance, half a mile or more the canyon is\nquite broad and open. Beyond the canyon sides rise from fifty to two hundred feet above the bed of the brook\nand are tolerably well covered by second growth redwood and pine, with about the average amount of\nshrubbery..\" (Surf 11/10/1903) The upstream logging had taken its toll on the ability of Laguna Creek to\nprovide water to the city system:\n\"There is very little tall timber left on any part of the Laguna, but the channel of the stream is choked\nand filled in many places with huge masses of debris, left by the lumbermen and the woodchopper,\nand which in times of high water has floated down stream and lodged at convenient and inconvenient\nspots. Fire has swept over much of this, and in other places the redwood timber is lying in the bed of\nthe brook and slowly decaying...The site of the old Grover Sawmill, is a sorry sight. There is a mass of\nbadly burned, broken, tangled timbers, and a huge pile of sawdust still left by the bank, gradually\ndecaying and percolating into the stream. From the mill site coastward the fall is more rapid, the banks\ncrowd each closely, and big boulders, clog the channel...\" (Surf 11/16/1903)\nTaylor had heard of a famous spring on Liddell Creek, but had never seen it. One day he met Louis Moretti, the\nmanager of the Coast Dairies Property, on the street in Santa Cruz and asked him if the spring was as big as it\nwas rumored to be. Moretti said yes and offered to take Taylor on a guided tour. Taylor's first sighting of the\nspring was an epiphany: \"...Would to God, I could share with every citizen the thrill of joy which was felt when\nI caught sight of that huge volume of water gushing, bubbling, pouring out of this spring hundreds of gallons\nper minute.\" (Surf 11/14/1903)\nIt took another nine years for the city to share Taylor's joy about the spring, but finally, after several more\nstudies, the city purchased the spring from Coast Dairies & Land Co. for $20,000 (Surf 12/24/1912). By early\n1913, the spring's estimated daily flow of 950,000 gallons was added to the city water system, and in the\nfollowing winter it was noted that when Laguna Creek's water was muddy as it entered the city system, the\nwater from the spring flowed crystal clear (Surf, 1/28/1914). The Liddell spring at Laguna Creek continues to\nbe a part of the Santa Cruz City water system to this day, providing 20 percent of the city's supply.\nIn a recent interview, Robert Bosso, long-time attorney for Coast Dairies and past president of the\ncorporation, discussed the impact of the 1912 sale of the spring on the later history of the Coast Dairies\nProperty: \"I'm sure that Moretti and Respini thought they were getting a good price for the spring in 1912, but\nwe sure could have used that water later on. That spring is priceless.\" (Bosso pers. comm., 2000)\n\n33\n\n�1.3.8 THE SWISS RETURN TO SWITZERLAND\nIt has been estimated that well over half of all the European immigrants who came to the United States\nreturned to their native countries (Takaki, 1993), so the fact that the Swiss owners of the Coast Dairies & Land\nCompany went back to Switzerland is not unusual as such. What made it curious was that they had been so\nsuccessful during the decades they lived in Santa Cruz County. A number of theories have been advanced over\nthe years about why the Moretti and Respini families returned home, but Robert Bosso was told that the Swiss\nreturned to Switzerland to avoid costly penalties, should they be drafted into the United States military.\nAccording to the Moretti descendants in Switzerland, Swiss law, based on that nation's firm notions of\nneutrality, forbade Swiss nationals from participating in another country's military, and if they did, they faced\nstiff financial penalties should they ever return home. As the war in Europe heated up after 1914, it appeared\nthat the United States might become involved and, once it did, that a draft might be instituted. Thus,\naccording to Bosso, the Swiss returned to avoid being drafted into the United States military, with the loss of\nwhat had, until then, been virtual dual citizenship (Bosso pers. comm., 2000).\nThe most poignant departure was that of Mr. and Mrs. Louis Moretti in the summer of 1915. Without\nquestion, Moretti had been the energy and vision behind the industrial revolution on the North Coast. Moretti\nstayed until the dedication of his last project-the concrete Catholic chapel on the knoll above San Vicente\nCreek, in May of 1915. The church can be seen not only as a symbol of the cooperation between Coast Dairies,\nthe cement company, and the community, but also as a personal legacy of Louis Moretti himself. He designed\nthe church to replicate the churches he had seen as a young man around his native Locarno, and it was fitting\nthat he would leave that symbol of Switzerland before he went home (Surf5/17/1915). The landmark chapel\nstill stands today on Church Street in Davenport (see Photo 1-8).\nBy 1920 the shareholders of the Coast Dairies & Land Company were all back in Switzerland, and the property\nwas being managed by local employees of the corporation. The departure of the Coast Dairies leadership and\nthe closing of the San Vicente Lumber Company in 1923 marked the end of a remarkable 20 years of industrial\nactivity. The Santa Cruz Portland Cement Company continued to operate, but the emphasis in the region\nturned once again to agriculture.\n\n1.3.9 THE EFFECT OF THE RAILROAD ON NORTH SHORE AGRICULTURE\nAs we have seen, the Ocean Shore and Southern Pacific Railroads had a profound effect on North Coast\nindustrial development. The effects on agriculture came more slowly, but were no less transformative. The\nkeys to the development of the twentieth century crops that are most identified with the North Coastartichokes and Brussels sprouts-were refrigeration, dependable seasonal farm labor, and the development of\nnational and international markets.\nArtichokes\nArtichokes were the first major specialty crop in the agricultural revolution on the North Coast. Though there\nis considerable debate about who was the first to grow artichokes on the Central California Coast, it seems\nthat they were first grown in large quantities in San Mateo County on the coastal terrace south of Pescadero\nCreek. The following newspaper item appeared in the Surf in March of 1916: \"F.H. Widemann of Pescadero\nhas been here en route to King City. He has charge of the 10,000 acre Coburn ranch at Pescadero and has\n34\n\n�1,000 acres in artichokes which are grown for the San Francisco and eastern market. The rest of the ranch is in\nbeans and timber...Mr. Widemann states that artichokes are being grown in vast quantities there and that the\nentire country from Pescadero to Bean Hollow has been utilized for them and vegetables. It is now all irrigated\nfrom the Butano Creek...\" (Surf 3/10/1916)\nAnother source indicates that Mr. A.E. Morelli first grew a small plot of artichokes near Davenport in that\nsame year (Watkins 1925). Regardless of who was first, by 1919, local resident Tom Majors attested to there\nbeing 600 acres of artichokes under cultivation between Santa Cruz and Davenport: \"At present there are\nabout 600 acres leased to Italian vegetable men, along the coast between Santa Cruz and Davenport. About\n100 acres on the Charles B. Younger ranch, 120 acres on the Pio Scaroni ranch, 120 acres on the Majors\nBrothers ranch and about 250 acres by the Coast Dairies & Land Co. These Italian gardeners find that the soil\nand climate are very well adapted to the raising of this fruit or vegetable. The artichoke plant wants a climate\nnot too hot and not too cold, and the coast salt air keeps them free from bugs and lice...The Italian vegetable\nmen are splendid gardeners, and very industrious workers. Besides the artichokes they raise peas, potatoes,\nBrussels sprouts, cabbage and other vegetables. The artichokes will be raised and shipped in carload lots from\nGodola or Majors station direct to Chicago and New York City, where they are selling at present for $5 per box,\nconsisting of three and one-half dozen in a box which goes to show that the artichoke business is all right\nwhen once established.\"(Surf 1/18/19)\nThe use of refrigerator cars for shipping vegetables long distances accelerated during World War I, and by\n1920 several processing and packing sheds were established on the west side of Santa Cruz to handle the\nincreasing amounts of produce being grown on the North Coast. A major Santa Clara County packing company\nbuilt a cannery near Pigeon Point to handle produce coming from the Pescadero area in 1917\n(Sentinel 4/8/1917). By the early 1920s the artichoke acreage began to spread southward onto the coastal\nterraces around Aptos and Castroville. Artichokes were enough of a commodity in Santa Cruz County that a\n1923 newspaper article listed them among the three major agriculture products, the other two being apples\nand poultry (Sentinel 2/8/23).\nArtichokes and Brussels sprouts are \"niche\" vegetables, and the markets are those places in the United States\nwhere large numbers of Southern Europeans have settled, particularly Chicago and the Northeast, or Europe\nitself. According to Ron Tyler, Farm Advisor emeritus of Santa Cruz County, the aging of the European\nimmigrant community (and its replacement by immigrants from Asia and Latin America) has softened the\nmarket for both, particularly Brussels sprouts (see Appendix 1.2.4).\nFarm Laborers\nAs the acreage of artichokes and other vegetables grew along the North Coast, so did the need for agricultural\nlaborers. Filipino and Mexican farm laborers were the mainstay of the agricultural workforce on the North\nCoast from the 1930s well into the 1960s, and there are still several farm labor buildings located on the Coast\nDairies Property that once housed Filipinos. Several informants specifically noted that the red-colored\nbuildings on the ocean side of Highway 1 just south of Yellow Bank Creek once housed Filipino farm laborers.\nThe Dairies Decline\nThe North Coast dairies continued to do very well financially during the 1920s, but the coming of the\nDepression in the 1930s, coupled with new regulatory legislation, began to make it increasingly difficult to\noperate dairies on the coast. A 1938 law required testing of all dairy cattle for tuberculosis and the California\n35\n\n�Department of Agriculture's stringent sanitary inspections eventually put many of the North Coast Dairies out\nof business (Weldon, 1986).\nSanta Cruz Portland Cement Company Pier - 1934\nThe one major exception to a North Coast economic downturn during the 1930s was an expansion of the\ncement plant at an estimated cost of $1.5 million. Even with its dependable Southern Pacific Railroad\nconnection, the cement company continued to chafe at its inability to get its product out to market. Finally,\nafter studying all the possibilities, the company decided to build a pier out from the bluff adjacent to the\nfactory and pump dry cement into a ship anchored off shore. The cement company, which had thrown all of its\ntechnological muscle into operations at Ben Lomond Mountain, now turned toward the sea. In light of all the\nfailed efforts to set up shipping facilities on the North Coast, it was an audacious plan. The cement was to be\nstored in a nest of silos atop the bluff. A massive compressor would then suck the cement down through a\nhuge tunnel and into two twelve-inch pipes and out along a half-mile pier into the waiting ship.\nThe key to the plan was the pier. As no pier on the North Coast had ever weathered a winter season without\nbeing ripped apart, it could not be of traditional wooden construction. It was to be a metal pier with its steel\npilings driven deep into the coastal bedrock. All the joints were to be welded, and the pier's end was anchored\nwith huge concrete-filled caissons also driven deep into the ocean floor. Construction of the pier began in\nDecember 1933, and during the winter of 1933-34 the ocean tested construction and design, with waves in\nexcess of thirty feet. On several occasions the massive swells swatted the pile driver into the sea, but the\nconstruction continued until, in early October 1934, it was completed. Extending 2,327 feet into the sea, it was\nthe first all-welded steel pier built on the Pacific Coast.[21]\nThe company purchased a 400-foot freighter, aptly renamed it Santacruzcement, and on October 16, 1934,\nsent the first load of 45,000 barrels of cement to a special silo farm in Stockton (Sentinel 10/17/1934). The ship\ncontinued to carry cement from the plant into the 1950s, until the coast road was improved enough that\ntrucks could take over transporting the company's product. Today, 67 years after the pier was built, several of\nthe steel piers still defy the ocean off the Davenport bluff, marking one of the most brazen efforts to thwart\nthe power of the ocean [22] (see Photograph 1-9).\nConcerns About Cement Dust\nOne of the local signatures of the cement plant at Davenport was the coating of dust that radiated out from\nthe plant onto the surrounding countryside. Since the prevailing wind came from the north and northwest, the\ndust was thickest on the hills and fields south of the plant, but there was enough wind variation to cast all of\nthe immediate vicinity in a gray shroud of dust. Houses, cars and buildings were all coated with the dust, and\nover the years there had been numerous complaints about the effects of the dust on the local agricultural\ncommunity. The fact that the cement plant was the major employer in the area made it difficult for many local\ncitizens to complain, but in 1935, a coalition of local farmers and ranchers organized to \"force the Santa Cruz\nPortland Cement Company to eliminate the causes of damage to the coast field crops by the cement dust.\"\nTwelve growers filed suit against the cement plant and they were joined by 42 more growers and dairymen\n(Sentinel 3/28/1935).\nOne of the complaints came from those raising dairy cows and cattle on the North Coast. Range animals that\nate large amounts of the dust \"did not develop properly\" according to one animal husbandry expert working in\nthe University of California Extension office at the time. \"They just looked skinny and didn't put on any\n36\n\n�weight.\" The University of California at Davis sent a number of scientists to the North Coast to study the\nmatter, but results were not conclusive (Lydon pers. comm., 2000). The suit against the cement company\nworked its way through the court system for many years.\nIn 1955, Davenport residents gathered in a public meeting to air their complaints about the dust. Many of\nthose that testified brought exhibits to demonstrate just how pervasive the dust was, including a cross-section\nof lawn showing that the dust penetrated six inches into the earth. One auto mechanic brought a fifteenpound bag of cement dust that he had collected in just one day while servicing the dust-covered automobiles\nof Davenport residents. Residents complained of being unable to get the family laundry clean, and one\ntestified that they could not keep a television set because the dust always seeped into the cabinet and shorted\nit out (Sentinel 3/18/1955). Several dozen lawsuits were filed against the company following the meeting (see\nPhoto 1-10).\nEventually, after the cement plant changed hands, all of the suits were settled out of court in 1961 and the\ncompany agreed to install equipment to minimize the dust emissions (Koch, 1973).\n\n1.4 – INTO THE PRESENT\nThe Davenport cement plant (it became Pacific Cement and Aggregates in 1956, Lonestar Cement Corporation\nin 1965 and RMC Pacific Materials in 1988), brought immediate military attention to the North Coast following\nthe attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941. Believing that Japan might attack the U.S. mainland, the military\nquickly posted guards and lookouts around Davenport and imposed stringent blackout requirements on its\nresidents. Later in December, when the ship Agiworld was attacked by a Japanese submarine off Cypress Point\nsouth of Monterey, security along the coast was heightened (Lydon, 1997). A Japanese submarine was also\nsighted off the coast a few miles north of Davenport, resulting in a brief skirmish between the submarine and\na single plane from the Army Air Corps (Lud McCrary Interview, Appendix 1.2.1). Eventually a segment of the\nall-black 54th Coast Artillery was stationed at Davenport and regular night canine patrols were instituted at all\nthe area beaches. In addition, four shore mounted guns were placed strategically around the Cement Plant.\nTwo 75mm guns were mounted overlooking the pier and two 155mm Howitzers were mounted just to the\neast of Newtown. Many of the young people living in the area at the time became airplane spotters, spending\nlong hours in the lookout stations posted along the coastal hills (see Appendices 1.2.2 and 1.2.4, McCrary and\nTomares Interview) (see Photo 1-11).\nPerhaps the most disruptive part of the early months of the war was the removal of many Italians from the\ncoast, along with all persons of Japanese ancestry. Beginning in February of 1942, all Italian aliens living inland\nfrom Highway 1 south of Laguna Creek were required to move inland from the highway, and since many of the\nItalian families living on the North Coast had elderly unnaturalized parents and grandparents, the military\norders brought extreme hardships to the farmers between Laguna Creek and the city limits of Santa Cruz. For\nthe few families of Japanese present since the 1920s, the removal from the North Coast to a concentration\ncamp in Arizona was devastating. Very few of the Japanese returned to the North Coast after the war.\nTaking the Loops Out of Highway 1\nDuring the 1920s and 1930s Californians developed their definite and persistent preference for automobile\ntransportation over rail, and ridership began to decline on Santa Cruz County railroads. As truck and\n37\n\n�automobile traffic increased, the North Coast retreated back into its pre-railroad isolation, the meandering\nand dangerous Coast Road keeping out all but the most adventurous drivers. World War II interrupted the\nplans by the state of California to straighten out Highway 1 through the North Coast, but by the late 1950s, the\nvarious segments of the highway were realigned and the curves that used to loop back into each of the\ncanyons became secondary roads, or in some cases, private roads with gates at both ends.\nThe realignment of Highway 1 both in Santa Cruz County and San Mateo County cut many minutes off the\ndrive from Santa Cruz to Half Moon Bay. Continuing work on the Waddell bluff made it more passable, and by\nthe late 1950s, Highway 1 had its current alignment.\nCoast Dairies & Land Co. as Absentee Landlord\nUnder the management of Swiss-born Fred Pfyffer, the Coast Dairies & Land Company continued to lease its\nvarious ranches for livestock and agriculture. Income from the Property made it self-sustaining, but the profit\nsent back to the Swiss owners was never large, rarely exceeding $100,000 per year. According to Robert\nBosso, there were two main reasons that the property continued to be managed as a single entity. First, the\nfact that it was structured as a corporation. As such, it was difficult to sell the property piecemeal; the options\nthat were negotiated from the 1960s on were attached to the entire property. Corporate ownership also\nmade the tax consequences of selling the land separately very costly. Proceeds would be taxed twice - first at\nthe corporate level and second as personal income for the owners. Thus, any sale would have to involve the\nentire corporation, reducing the tax burden to just one event. Second, the fact that the owners all lived in\nSwitzerland meant that negotiations of options and the sale of the Property had to involve all the owners\n(seven in 1998), and all this, exacerbated by the distance, made selling the Coast Dairies Property something\nof a challenge.\nThe owners were quite willing to entertain options on the Property, however, and the first came from the oil\ncompanies that returned to prowl Santa Cruz County looking to develop the oil that was certainly beneath the\nground (Bosso, 2000).\nThe Second Oil Boom\nThere had been periodic oil flurries along the North Coast (following the one discussed earlier in this section),\nbut by far the largest and most serious occurred in the 1950s when Shell Oil Company and Texaco negotiated\nseveral oil leases on the North Coast. In the mid-1950s, Texaco negotiated an oil lease with Coast Dairies to\ndrill on the terrace near Davenport. Between June and December of 1956 Texaco drilled the deepest\nexploratory well in the history of Santa Cruz County, probing 9,135 feet down. Though they found periodic\nevidence of oil and gas, it was insufficient to warrant further exploration. The well is known to geologists as\nPoletti #1, named for the family that was farming that particular section of Coast Dairies at the time (Griggs\nand Weber, 1990; Weber, 2000). Shell Oil drilled in a number of North Coast locations in the 1950s and 1960s,\nincluding on property owned by the cement company, and on land south of Laguna Creek.\nThe Coming of the University of California to Santa Cruz, 1964\nMeanwhile, the wider context of Santa Cruz was being transformed by the opening of the University of\nCalifornia campus northwest of downtown. The university community quickly discovered the scenic beauty\nand relative solitude of the North Coast. University faculty members built homes in the Bonny Doon area, and\nthe beaches and canyons became the de facto recreation area for the university. And with the university came\n38\n\n�an attitude toward development that was quite different from that held by some old-time Santa Cruz\nresidents. The university set off a mini-housing boom on Santa Cruz's Westside, and developers began to plan\nlarge-scale housing projects along the open coastline.\nThe PG&E Nuclear Power Plant Proposal\nIn the late 1960s, Pacific Gas and Electric approached Coast Dairies and negotiated an option to purchase the\nproperty. PG&E's intent was to build a nuclear power plant on El Jarro Point on the terrace north of\nDavenport. This impulse was not unlike that followed by William Dingee in 1905 when he sought out the\nisolated reaches of the North Coast to locate an industrial operation unpopular with the people of Santa Cruz.\nIn this instance, the public perception of nuclear power plants required that they be located in remote places-Diablo Canyon in San Luis Obispo County, for example. PG&E's plan was to build a 6,000 megawatt generating\nfacility on El Jarro Point and then exercise its option and purchase all of the Coast Dairies Property.\nThe proposal acted as a lightning rod for the burgeoning environmental community in Santa Cruz County, and\nprotests were launched against it. Many now see the protest against PG&E proposal as the beginning of the\nmodern conservation/preservation movement in the county (Scott and Wayburn, 1974). Eventually, seismic\nstudies suggested that the site would not be appropriate for a nuclear power plant, PG&E shelved its plans\nand let their option on the Coast Dairies Property expire.\nWilder Ranch\nMeanwhile, just south of the Coast Dairies property another proposal, this one for housing, was floated in\n1969. The Wilder family sold the 2,000-acre ranch to the Moroto Investment Company and in 1972 the\ncompany announced its plan to build between 9,000 and 10,000 housing units on the property over the next\n30 years. Fresh from their success with the PG&E nuclear power plant proposal, environmentalists formed\nOperation Wilder, and by 1973 the State of California allocated $6 million to purchase the land for a state\npark. Wilder Ranch State Park opened in the late 1980s (Jones, 1999).\nPublication of the North Coast Bible, 1974\nFollowing the example of other large-scale environmental movements, such as the move to save the\nredwoods or the Grand Canyon, a group of local authors and scientists collaborated in a book titled In the\nOcean Wind: The Santa Cruz North Coast published by the Glenwood Press in 1974. Laden with photographs,\npoetry and essays, the book was a paean of praise for the North Coast. It is difficult to measure the impact\nthat the book had on public sentiment, but it certainly was a reflection of the opinion held by a number of\ncounty residents at the time.\nThe Coastal Act\nPut on the ballot as Proposition 20 and passed in 1972, the Coastal Zone Conservation Act put wheels in\nmotion that eventually lead to the establishment of the California Coastal Commission in 1976. The Coastal\nZone Act and the Commission rendered any further developments (such as those proposed for the Wilder\nproperty) difficult at best; probably impossible. The manager of the Coast Dairies property, Fred Pfyffer, and\nthe corporation's attorney, Robert Bosso, were convinced that any development proposals for their Property\nwould be extremely difficult, and they believed that the property would be increasingly difficult to sell.\nHowever, as the shareholders aged, their interest in selling the property increased (Bosso, 2000).\n39\n\n�Over the next 28 years the Property entered into a number of option agreements, none of which resulted in\nsale. The following list was provided in an interview with Robert Bosso in December, 2000:\nOutright Sale to Lonestar Cement, 1986\nThe Coast Dairies shareholders placed a price of $12,000,000 on the property and offered it to Lonestar, but\nthe company was not in an economic position to purchase the Property and the opportunity passed.\nZemex\nIn 1988 a Texas development company secured a three year option on the Property which contained an\nautomatic accelerating sale: $11,000,000 if they exercised the option the first year and up to $15,000,000 if\nthey did so at the conclusion of the three years. When the economy softened in Texas, Zemex's option expired\naround 1993.\nThe Bond Act of 1994\nThe purchase price of $17,500,000 was included in a state bond act offered to the voters of California in 1994.\nMeanwhile, the Nature Conservancy purchased an option on the Property (for $1) to hold it until the bond act\npassed. The act failed, however, and the option expired.\nBryan Sweeney and Nevada Pacific\nIn 1996, Nevada developer/businessman Bryan Sweeney (Nevada & Pacific Coast Land) took out an option on\nthe Coast Dairies Property for a sale price of $20,000,000. His intent was to swap the Coast Dairies for land\nunder the control of the Bureau of Land Management in Nevada. Mr. Sweeney was not able to resolve the\ncomplicated details on the federal end of the transaction. His option to hold the Property was costing him\napproximately $1,000,000 a year.\nMeanwhile, eager to sell the property outright, Sweeney promulgated the notion that there were 139\nseparate and distinct parcels within the 7,500 acres, and that he could and would sell those parcels to\nindividuals for coastside homes (Sweeney, 1997). After a prodigious job of surveying each of the alleged\nparcels and preparing its history, Sweeney made the 139-parcel document, a blueprint for very high-end\nhousing, public. Sweeney's document got everyone's attention, especially the Save-the-Redwoods League.\nEventually, in a cooperative effort with the David and Lucile Packard Foundation, the Trust for Public Land, the\nLand Trust of Santa Cruz County, and the Nature Conservancy, the Coast Dairies Property was purchased from\nNevada & Pacific Coast Land. The stage was set for its future as a unique natural and cultural asset, owned by\nthose who will, hopefully, cherish both its present and its past.\n\n40\n\n�FOOTNOTES\n1\n\nThe term \"Central Coast\" applies to the region between San Francisco and San Luis Obispo. In this report, the\nlocal term \"North Coast\" applies to the Coast Dairies Property before it was subject to historic boundaries, and\nmay include areas from Point Año Nuevo to the modern day City of Santa Cruz.\n2\n\nOther classification systems, based on alternate vegetation or geological associations for example, will be\nused in subsequent sections.\n3\n\nPlant and animal lists, with scientific names, are included in Section 3.0.\n\n4\n\nCuriously, a cursory examination of fish remains from sites in and around the Coast Dairies properties reveals\nonly a single steelhead trout element from a site at Davenport Landing (Fitzgerald and Ruby, 1997).\n5\n\nPresumably, this is a reference to manmade fires.\n\n6\n\nA Spanish league was approximately 2.6 miles.\n\n7\n\nThe Spaniards considered their recovery a miracle, but present-day botanists suggest that the scurvy might\nhave been alleviated by their eating food containing large amounts of Vitamin C, perhaps either food given to\nthem by the Native Americans, or blackberries and rose hips. See Browning, 1992, p. 113, note.\n8\n\nThe Villa de Branciforte was one of three civilian (hence \"villa\" as opposed to mission) settlements\nestablished by the Spanish in Alta California, the other two being San Jose and Los Angeles. Located on the\ncoastal terrace across the San Lorenzo River from Mission Santa Cruz, the town never received the support it\nneeded from the Spanish government.\n9\n\nDuring the Spanish era, ranchos were lands used by the missions as pasturage for their herds. The\nboundaries of these tracts of land were generally vague and ill-defined. Later, during the Mexican era, the\nword rancho came to mean a clearly defined tract of land owned by a private individual.\n10\n\nA Spanish vara was 33 inches.\n\n11Shore\n\nwhaling was the practice of hunting whales in thirty-foot whaleboats and then towing the carcass back\nto shore for processing. John Pope Davenport pioneered the practice on the Pacific Coast in Monterey in 1853\nwith a crew of Azorean whalers. Davenport moved his whaling operation to Soquel in 1865 and then moved to\nthe landing at the mouth of Agua Puerca Creek. Though some historians have written that he whaled at this\nlast location, there is no evidence to support that contention. He gave his occupation as whaler when\ninterviewed by the census taker in Monterey in 1860, but he responded with the occupation of wharfinger\nwhen he was interviewed at the landing in 1870 (Census 1860, 1870; Orlando pers. comm., 2000).\n12\n\nThe Project Achives (interviews) contain a discussion of early dry farming and dairying. The pattern of dairies\nand hay fields described by Frank \"Lud\" McCrary is probably close to the pattern in the late 1880s. See\nespecially the annotated 1928 aerial in the Project Airphoto Archives for a depiction of early dry farming\noperations.\n13\n\nClaus Spreckels had just purchased most of the Aptos Rancho and was laying out an extensive farming\noperation there, east of present-day Aptos.\n\n41\n\n�14\n\nThe bark from the tanoak tree was the source of tannin for the early tanning industry in California. The trees\nwere felled, the bark peeled from the logs and shipped off the landings. See Lud McCrary Interview, Appendix\n1.2.1.\n15Though\n\nthe Azores Island were part of Portugal and emigrants from there were technically Portuguese, they\npreferred (and continue) to be called Azoreans (Santos, 1995).\n16\n\nPigeon Point was named for the clipper ship Carrier Pigeon that wrecked there in 1853 (Alta 6/10/1853).\n\n17The\n\nCalifornia State Fish Commission was established in 1870 and, as the Fish and Game Commission, began\nto hire wardens in 1878. The warden in Santa Cruz County reported to the county Board of Supervisors.\n18\n\nFor a complete list of the regulations, see Lydon, 1997, p. 85.\n\n19\n\nSwiss-born Pio Scaroni established a dairy on part of the Rancho Refugio, just south of Laguna Creek, in 1868\n(Clark, 1986). He and his descendants owned and lived on the property until 1998, when the property was sold\nto become part of Wilder Ranch State Park.\n20\n\nCutting and filling was the process used by railroad and highway builders to achieve a level grade by digging\na channel into a hill and pushing the loose material into the next depression to build it up. The resulting cavity\nthrough which the railroad or automobile runs is known as the cut, while the filled in area in the depression is\nknown as the fill.\n21\n\nCompany officials believed it to be the first all-welded steel pier in the world.\n\n22\n\nIt is interesting to note that another similar ocean-defying monument, the \"Cement Ship\" Palo Alto that was\nsunk off Seacliff Beach (Santa Cruz County) in 1930 was built of Davenport cement.\n\n1.5 – REFERENCES CITED\n1.5.1 PUBLISHED REFERENCES\nAlta, California Daily. Newspaper.\nBolton, H. E., ed.. Historical Memoirs of New California. Russell & Russell, New York. 1966.\nBonnot, P. California Abalones. California Fish and Game 26(3): 203-204. 1940.\nBranciforte. Letter from Governor Pablo Vicente de Sola, September 14, 1815. Special Collections, Univ. Calif.\nSanta Cruz. 1815.\nBrown and Caldwell Engineering. Investigation of Water Supply Project: City of Santa Cruz Water System, Santa\nCruz, California. 1956.\nBrowning, P., ed. The Discovery of San Francisco Bay: The Portolá Expedition. Great West, Lafayette, California.\n1992.\nCalifornia Division of Oil and Gas. Regional Wildcat Map. Santa Cruz County.\nCarter, F. C. Duhaut-Cilly's Account of California in the Years 1827-1828. California Historical Society Quarterly\nXIV: 131-256. 1940.\n42\n\n�Cartier, R. The Scott's Valley Site: CA-SCR-177. Santa Cruz Archaeological Society Monograph I. 1993.\nCensus. US Bureau of the Census. Manuscript census, Monterey County. 1860.\nCensus. US Bureau of the Census. Manuscript census, Santa Cruz County. 1860.\nCensus. US Bureau of the Census. Manuscript census, Santa Cruz County. 1870.\nCensus. US Bureau of the Census. Manuscript census, Santa Cruz County. 1880.\nCensus. US Bureau of the Census. Manuscript census, Santa Cruz County. 1900.\nCensus. US Bureau of the Census. Manuscript census, Santa Cruz County. 1910.\nCensus. US Bureau of the Census. Manuscript census, Santa Cruz County. 1920.\nClark, D.T. Santa Cruz County Place Names. Santa Cruz Historical Society, Santa Cruz, 1986.\nDietz, S.A., W. Hildebrandt, and T. Jones. Archaeological Investigations at Elkhorn Slough: CA-MNT-229 a\nMiddle Period Site on the Central Coast. Papers in Northern California Anthropology, Number 3, Berkeley.\n1988.\nElliott, W. Santa Cruz County, California. Wallace W. Elliott, San Francisco. 1879.\nEvans, A.S. Alta California. Bancroft Publishing, San Francisco. 1873.\nFitzgerald, R.T. and A. Ruby. Archaeological Test Excavations at CA-SCR-117, the Davenport Landing Site.\nReport prepared for U.S. Abalone, Inc. Davenport, CA. Report on file at the NWIC at Sonoma State University\n(California). 1997.\nGazette, Monterey. Newspaper.\nGriggs and Weber. Field Trip Guide: Coastal Geologic Hazards and Coastal Tectonics: Northern Monterey Bay\nand Santa Cruz/San Mateo County Coastlines. Univ. Calif. Santa Cruz. 1990.\nHamman R. California Central Coast Railways. Pruett Publishing. Boulder Colorado. 1980.\nHenderson, H.B. and L.E. Rushton. Investigation and Design of Proposed Hydro-Electric Improvement at Big\nCreek, Santa Cruz County, California for Coast Counties Gas and Electric Company. Thesis for B.S. Degree in\nElectrical Engineering, Univ. Calif. Berkeley. 1914.\nHylkema, M. G., Prehistoric Native American Adaptations Along the Central California Coast of San Mateo and\nSanta Cruz Counties. Master's thesis, San Jose State University, San Jose, CA. 1991.\nJones. Santa Cruz County: A Century. Sentinel, Santa Cruz. 1999.\nJones, D.A. and W. Hildebrandt. Archaeological Investigations at Sand Hill Bluff: Portions of Prehistoric Site CASCR-7, Santa Cruz County. Report prepared for Pacific Mariculture Incorporated. Far Western Anthropological\nGroup, Inc. 1988.\nKimbro, E.E., Ryan, M. E., Jackson R. H., Milliken, R.T., and N. Neuerburg. Restoration Research: Santa Cruz\nMission Adobe, Santa Cruz Mission State Historic Park. California Department of Parks and Recreation. 1985.\nKroeber, A.L. Handbook of the Indians of North America. Dover Publications, Inc., New York. 1925.\n43\n\n�Kuchler, A.W. Natural Vegetation of California (Map). In Terrestrial Vegetation of California. M.G, Barbour and\nJ. Major eds. John Wiley and Sons, New York. 1997.\nLe Boeuf, B. and S. Kaza. The Natural History of Año Nuevo. Boxwood Press, Pacific Grove, CA. 1980.\nLevy, R. Costanoan. In Handbook of North American Indians: Vol. 8, California. R., Heizer, ed. Smithsonian\nInstitution, Washington, D.C. 1977.\nLydon, S. Mankind and Monterey Bay, Monterey Bay Aquarium, Monterey, CA. 1984.\n------- Chinese Gold: The Chinese in the Monterey Bay Region. Capitola: Capitola Book Co., Capitola, CA. 1985.\n-------- The Japanese in the Monterey Bay Region: A Brief History. Capitola Book Co., Capitola, CA. 1997.\n-------- \"A Very Close Call.\" Point Lobos Natural History Association Newsletter, Vol. 21, Number 5, pp. 4-5.\n1999.\nMenzies, A. Archibald Menzies' Journal of the Vancouver Expedition. California Historical Society Quarterly,\nVol. II, No. 4. January, 1924.\nMilliken, R. A Time of Little Choice: The Disintegration of Tribal Culture in the San Francisco Bay Area 17691810. Ballena Press, Menlo Park, CA. 1993.\nNegative Albums. Albums numbered 1-3. RMC Lonestar Archives. 1933-1934.\nPajaro Times. Newspaper.\nPajaronian. Watsonville Pajaronian. Newspaper.\nPhelps. A. Alta California: 1840-1842. Arthur H. Clark, Glendale, CA. 1983.\nPriestly, H. I.. A historical, political, and natural Description of California by Pedro Fages, Soldier of Spain. Univ.\nCalif. Berkeley. 1937.\nRicketts, E., Calvin, J. and J. Hedgpath. Between Pacific Tides. 5th edition. Stanford University Press, Stanford.\n1968.\nRoop, W. Adaptation on Ben Lomond Mountain: Excavation at CA-CSR-20. Master's thesis. San Francisco State\nUniversity, San Francisco. 1976.\nSantos, R.L. Azoreans to California: A History of Migration and Settlement. Alley-Cass Publishing, Denair. 1995.\nScott and Wayburn. In the Ocean Wind. Glenwood Publishing, Felton, CA. 1974.\nSentinel, Santa Cruz. Newspaper.\nTakaki, R. A. Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America. Little, Brown, Boston. 1993.\nVeytia, J. Journey to Alta California, 1849-1850, unpublished typescript, Guadalajara, Mexico. 1975.\nWagner, H. R. Spanish Voyages to the Northwest coat of America in the Sixteen Century: California Historical\nSociety, San Francisco. 1929.\nWagner, J. R. The Last Whistle: Ocean Shore Railroad. Howell-North Books, Berkeley, CA. 1974.\n44\n\n�Watkins, R. C. History of Monterey, Santa Cruz and San Benito Counties, California. S.J. Clarke Publishing,\nChicago. 1925.\nWeldon, M. Swiss Dairies. Farm Focus, Vol V, Number 3. 1986.\n\n1.5.2 PERSONAL COMMUNICATIONS\nBosso, R. Personal Communication (Interview). 2000.\nLydon, R. Rocky Lydon, Farm Advisor Emeritus, Personal Communication (Interview). 2000.\nMcCrary, L. Personal Communication (Interview), November 2000.\nMcLean, H. Personal Communication (Interview), November 2000.\nOrlando, A. Personal Communication (Interview), November 2000.\n\nSOURCE\nCoast Dairies Long-Term Resource Protection and Use Plan: Draft Existing Conditions Report for the Coast\nDairies Property, Section 1.0. San Francisco, Calif. : Environmental Science Associates, 2001.\n\nIt is the library’s intent to provide accurate information, however, it is not possible for the library to completely\nverify the accuracy of all information. If you believe that factual statements in a local history article are\nincorrect and can provide documentation, please contact the library.\n\n45\n\n�"]]]]]]]]],["collection",{"collectionId":"8"},["elementSetContainer",["elementSet",{"elementSetId":"1"},["name","Dublin Core"],["description","The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/."],["elementContainer",["element",{"elementId":"50"},["name","Title"],["description","A name given to the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"123576"},["text","Santa Cruz History Articles"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"41"},["name","Description"],["description","An account of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"123577"},["text","Original articles by library staff and by local authors and material from historical books. 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Mike, Attilio, Celeste and Jacinto were partners in the 178 acre ranch and were early pioneers in growing artichokes in the area. They also farmed Brussels sprouts."]]]],["element",{"elementId":"48"},["name","Source"],["description","A related resource from which the described resource is derived"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1064658"},["text","Photo courtesy of Kim W. Stoner."]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1064659"},["text","Santa Cruz Memories: the early years. A pictorial history presented by Santa Cruz Sentinel. Pediment Publishing, 2016."]]]],["element",{"elementId":"45"},["name","Publisher"],["description","An entity responsible for making the resource available"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1064660"},["text","Santa Cruz Public Libraries"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"40"},["name","Date"],["description","A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1064661"},["text","1924"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"38"},["name","Coverage"],["description","The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1064662"},["text","1920s"]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1064663"},["text","North Coast"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"42"},["name","Format"],["description","The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1064664"},["text","Image"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"44"},["name","Language"],["description","A language of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1064665"},["text","En"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"51"},["name","Type"],["description","The nature or genre of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1064666"},["text","PHOTO"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"47"},["name","Rights"],["description","Information about rights held in and over the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1064670"},["text","Photo may not be reproduced without prior written permission of the copyright owner or the publisher."]]]],["element",{"elementId":"49"},["name","Subject"],["description","The topic of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1065404"},["text","Agriculture-Vegetables"]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1065405"},["text","Rancho Agua Puerca y las Trancas"]]]]]]],["tagContainer",["tag",{"tagId":"32"},["name","Agriculture"]],["tag",{"tagId":"4"},["name","Portraits"]]]],["item",{"itemId":"75860","public":"1","featured":"1"},["fileContainer",["file",{"fileId":"13691"},["src","https://history.santacruzpl.org/omeka/files/original/ce1cdcf412feb2e5e9cc59416e8e701a.jpg"],["authentication","2f8b7f352d53103dcef8ffec85bddabc"]],["file",{"fileId":"13692"},["src","https://history.santacruzpl.org/omeka/files/original/fb99063d7f2120d6ad1e2396e6b39871.jpg"],["authentication","6599de2d847bf0414de05858bd2b783b"]]],["collection",{"collectionId":"5"},["elementSetContainer",["elementSet",{"elementSetId":"1"},["name","Dublin Core"],["description","The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/."],["elementContainer",["element",{"elementId":"50"},["name","Title"],["description","A name given to the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"112573"},["text","Postcard Collection"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"41"},["name","Description"],["description","An account of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"267483"},["text","Postcards, scanned front and back, depicting Santa Cruz County from the 1880’s to the present."]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1840005"},["text","See the About section for the library's reproduction policy and restrictions on use."]]]],["element",{"elementId":"45"},["name","Publisher"],["description","An entity responsible for making the resource available"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1839998"},["text","Santa Cruz Public Libraries"]]]]]]]],["itemType",{"itemTypeId":"6"},["name","Still Image"],["description","A static visual representation. Examples of still images are: paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type \"text\" to images of textual materials."],["elementContainer",["element",{"elementId":"7"},["name","Original Format"],["description","If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063586"},["text","POSTCARD"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"10"},["name","Physical Dimensions"],["description","The actual physical size of the original image."],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063587"},["text","3 1/2 x 5 1/2"]]]]]],["elementSetContainer",["elementSet",{"elementSetId":"1"},["name","Dublin Core"],["description","The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/."],["elementContainer",["element",{"elementId":"50"},["name","Title"],["description","A name given to the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063577"},["text","Greenslade Vegetable Gardens"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"48"},["name","Source"],["description","A related resource from which the described resource is derived"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063578"},["text","Elston, Deborah Maddock"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"45"},["name","Publisher"],["description","An entity responsible for making the resource available"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063579"},["text","Santa Cruz Public Libraries"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"42"},["name","Format"],["description","The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063580"},["text","IMAGE"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"44"},["name","Language"],["description","A language of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063581"},["text","EN"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"51"},["name","Type"],["description","The nature or genre of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063582"},["text","POSTCARD"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"43"},["name","Identifier"],["description","An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063583"},["text","PC-ELSTON-010"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"38"},["name","Coverage"],["description","The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063584"},["text","Boulder Creek"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"47"},["name","Rights"],["description","Information about rights held in and over the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063585"},["text","This postcard is the property of Deborah Maddock Elston."]]]],["element",{"elementId":"39"},["name","Creator"],["description","An entity primarily responsible for making the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063641"},["text","Issued by the San Lorenzo Valley Board of Trade"]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063642"},["text","Issued by the San Lorenzo Valley Board of Trade"]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063643"},["text","Issued by the San Lorenzo Valley Board of Trade"]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063644"},["text","Issued by the San Lorenzo Valley Board of Trade\r\n"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"49"},["name","Subject"],["description","The topic of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063789"},["text","Greenslade Vegetable Gardens"]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1063790"},["text","Agriculture-Vegetables"]]]]]]],["tagContainer",["tag",{"tagId":"32"},["name","Agriculture"]]]],["item",{"itemId":"74221","public":"1","featured":"1"},["collection",{"collectionId":"3"},["elementSetContainer",["elementSet",{"elementSetId":"1"},["name","Dublin Core"],["description","The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/."],["elementContainer",["element",{"elementId":"50"},["name","Title"],["description","A name given to the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"109713"},["text","Local News Index"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"41"},["name","Description"],["description","An account of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"109714"},["text","An index to newspaper and periodical articles from a variety of Santa Cruz publications.\r\n"]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1840006"},["text","It is a collection of over 87,000 articles, primarily from the Santa Cruz Sentinel, that have been clipped and filed in subject folders. While these articles of local interest range in date from the early 1900's to the present, most of the collection and clipped articles are after roughly 1960. There is an ongoing project to scan the complete articles and include them in this collection.
Also included are more than 350 full-text local newspaper articles on films and movie-making and on the Japanese-American internment.
In addition, this is an online index for births, deaths, and personal names from The Mountain Echo. The complete print index is available at the library. For more information see The Mountain Echo."]],["elementText",{"elementTextId":"1840007"},["text","Most of the indexed articles are available on microfilm in the Californiana Room or in the clipping files in the Local History Room at the Downtown branch. Copies of individual articles may be available by contacting the Reference Department - Ask Us.
\n